CHAMA CHA KIJAMII (CCK)

HOTUBA YA UTAMBULISHO WA CHAMA KIPYA CHA SIASA NCHINI CHA CCK

Utangulizi na Shukrani Ndugu wanachama, Waandishi wa habari Na Watanzania wote Leo hii ile ndoto ambayo ilikataliwa kutimia miaka miwili hivi iliyopita hatimaye imetimia leo. Ndoto ya kuweza kuwapatia Watanzania chaguo tofauti la kisiasa nchini lenye kubeba matarajio yao sasa limetimia. Kutimia kwa ndoto hii leo hii ni mwanzo tu wa safari ndefu ya kisiasa kwa wengi wetu.

Ni safari mpya lakini iliyojaa matumaini. Hivyo, ninayofuraha kubwa kuwaambia wanachama wetu waliotuunga mkono kila kona ya nchi hadi kufikia hatua hii kuwa hatutawaangusha kwani tumedhamiria kuchukulia imani mliyoweka juu yetu kwa uzito mkubwa na unaostahili. Kufika hapa tulipofika leo ni juhudi za watu wengi sana ambao hata nikiamua kuwataja kwa majina sitowezakuwatendea wote haki.

Hata hivyo, nitangulishe shukrani za dhati kwa Ofisi ya Msajili wa Vyama vya Siasa nchini kwa ushirikiano ambao wametupatia hadi kufikia hapa. Wametusahihisha tulipokosea, wametuelekeza tulipotaka ushauri na wakati ulipofika wa wao kufanya usaili wamefanya usaili wa wanachama wetu nchi nzima kwa weledi wa hali ya juu na kujiridhisha kuwa CCK siyo chama cha utani, siyo chama cha msimu, bali ni chama ambacho kimekusudia kujikita na kuzama kabisa katika jamii ya Watanzania na kuwa kweli chama cha jamii hiyo.

Nawashukuru wanachama na viongozi wenzangu ambao wametumia muda mwingi kwa kujitolea kufanya kazi mbalimbali za chama huku wakijua nyuma yake kuna kubezwa, kejeli, kuonekana vibaraka n.k

Hawa wametambua nafasi ya pekee ambayo CCK itakuja kufanya na hivyo waliamua kwa moyo wote kujitolea muda, vipaji na raslimali mbalimbali ili kuweza kufanikisha zoezi zima la kuwez akupata usajili wa kudumu. Ninawashukuru sana. Zaidi hata hivyo nawashukuru wanachama, mashabiki na wapenzi wetu ambao wamekuwa wakitutia moyo na kusimama pamoja nasi japo msukumo wa kutaka kukata tama ulipokuwa mkubwa hasa baada yale ambayo yalitokea katika mwaka wa 2010 ambao wananchi wengi wanajua.

Kutokana na matokeo ya wakati ule tulijifunza kitu kimoja kikubwa kwamba chama ni lazima kitoke kwa wanachama wenyewe. Hivyo, hiki ni chama cha wanachama, chama cha Watanzania.

1. Utambulisho wa CCK na Viongozi wake Napenda kutumia nafasi hii basi kuwatambulisha baadhi ya viongozi wa muda wa CCK ambao nimeambatana nao hapa ili kuweza kuuonesha umma kuwa chama chetu kimejipanga kuweza kujijenga kama chama cha siasa. Nitaanzia upande wangu wa kulia na kuwatambulisha kwenu viongozi hawa:

2. Kwanini kimeanzishwa na kwanini kiitwe jina hilo Ndugu waandishi na wanachama, Swali kubwa ambalo bila ya shaka linahitaji jibu la moja kwa moja ni kwanini chama kingine kimeanzishwa Tanzania mahali ambapo tayari kuna vyama vingi vya kisiasa?

Swali hili ni swali ambalo litaulizwa labda zaidi na wanachama wa vyama vingine vya upinzani ambao wanaamini kabisa kuwa tayari kuna vyama vya kutosha vya upinzani na hivyo kuja kwa chama kingine cha upinzani itakuwa ni tishio kwa vyama hivyo vingine. Naomba nitoe sababu kubwa tatu tu za kwanini CCK kimeanzishwa na kwanini kinaitwa chama cha kijamii na siyo jina lolote jingine ambalo lingeweza kuonekana la kifahari fahari hivi. i. Hakuna chama kingine katika upinzani chenye msimamo kama wa kwetu.

Kama kungekuwepo na chama kingine chochote ambacho kinawakilisha hata nusu tu ya msimamo wa CCK tusingekuwa na sababu ya kuanzisha chama kingine lakini baada ya kupitia siasa za vyama vyote vya upinzani na kuona vyama hivyo vinavyofanya siasa zao tumegundua kuwa hakuna chama chenye msimamo na mtazamo kama wa kwetu kwenye masuala mbalimbali. Hili nitalielezea kidogo kwenye itikadi ya chama. ii. Wapo Watanzania wengi ambao hawajaridhika na vyama vilivyopo sasa.

Tangu upinzani urudi nchini mwanzoni mwa miaka ya tisini wamekuwepo Watanzania ambao hawajaridhishwa na mapendekezo ya kisiasa ambayo yametolewa na vyama vya upinzani vilivyopo hadi hivi sasa. Hawa ndio wale ambao waliamua kususia uchaguzi au wamebakia ni wapiga kura wa kuangalia majina ya watu na siyo chama chenyewe.

Kwenye taifa la watu karibu milioni 45 ipo nafasi ya kutosha tu kwa chama cha kwetu ambacho kimekuja ili kuwapa wananchi hawa chaguo walilokuwa wakilisubiria kwa muda mrefu. iii. CCK inaitikia changamoto za kizazi kipya; kizazi cha milenia mpya. Vyama karibu vyote vilivyopo sasa vinaitikia wito wa kizazi cha zamani; kizazi kinachopita.

Lakini CCK inaitikia changamoto za kizazi kipya siyo kwa kusahau ya zamani au kubeza kizazi kilichopita bali tunataka kuuleta ujumbe wa kizazi kilichopita kilichounda taifa letu kwenye kizazi kipya. CCK inataka kupokea kijiti cha kupokezana kwa vizazi kutoka kwa wale waliotutangulia. Ni chama kilichoundwa na kuanzishwa na vijana lakini kikiwa kimejikita katika hekima na heshima ya wazee wetu. Tunaamini wazee wetu watatuunga mkono na vijana watakuwa nasi vile vile!

Kwanini kinaitwa chama cha Kijamii? Ndugu zangu, msingi wa mafanikio ya nchi yoyote ni msisitizo uliopo katika kuinua maisha ya jamii. Tunaamini kabisa kuwa sera zilizopo sasa zilizoundwa na CCM na serikali yake na hasa katika miaka kama ishirini iliyopita zimekuwa kinyume na jamii ya Watanzania. Tulipopata uhuru wazee wetu walitaka kuunda taifa “la jamii ya watu walio huru na sawa”. Miaka hamsini sasa baada ya uhuru jamii ya aina hiyo inazidi kutoweka nchini, na njozi hiyo ikiendelea kuwakimbia wengi. Watu walio “huru na sawa” wamebakia kuwa wachache zaidi tena ni wale wenye nguvu za fedha, siasa na nafasi!

Msisitizo wa kuipigania jamii yetu katika ujumla wake wote haupo tena. Hivyo CCK ni chama cha Kijamii kwa sababu msisitizo wa fikra zake, mwelekeo wa sera zake na maono ya uongozi wake ni kuijenga jamii ya kisasa ya Kitanzania. Jamii ambamo watu wake wote watajisikia ni sehemu ya taifa hili na ambapo wakubwa kwa wadogo, wanawake kwa wanaume, weusi na weupe, wa bara na visiwani wanafurahia matunda ya kuwa ndani ya taifa hilo.

Msisitizo wetu ni jamii yetu na sera zetu zitalenga katika kuonesha kuwa ni katika wingi wa tofauti zetu katika jamii yetu ndio utajiri wa taifa letu umefichika! Hiki ni chama cha jamii ya Watanzania! Siyo chama cha tunu fulani fulani tu za maisha! Ni chama cha Kijamii! Itikadi yake Itikadi ya CCK ni uhafidhina wa kijamii na kiuchumi.

Yaani, socio-economic conservatism. Itikadi hii msingi wake ni historia yetu kama taifa na kama jamii ya watu. Tunaamini kuwa tishio kubwa kabisa katika jamii yetu ni kuvunjwa vunjwa kwa familia ya Kiafrika na vile vile matumizi makubwa ya serikali kwenye mambo mengi ambayo kwa kweli serikali isingestahili kuwa inayafanya.

Hivyo, CCK ni chama ambacho kinataka kutetea na kuyahifadhi mambo ya msingi yanayoifanya jamii yetu kuwa ya Kiafrika katika ulimwengu wa kisasa na hasa kutetea na kulinda familia. Tunaamini kabisa kuwa sera zozote na mipango yoyote ya nchi ambayo haiweki mkazo katika kuipa nafuu na kuboresha maisha ya familia sera hizo ni za kutupwa mbali.

Kwa muda mrefu sasa nchi yetu imejiingiza kwenye sera zenye kutukuza kile kinachoitwa “soko” matokeo yake wakati wenye “soko” wakiendelea kufanya vizuri mamilioni ya familia za Watanzania wanaishi maisha ya wasiwasi wa kudumu. Hivyo, tunataka kupendekeza sera ambazo zitalenga kuinua maisha ya wananchi wetu na hivyo kuinua maisha ya familia.

Lakini haya yote yanahitaji uchumi wa kisasa. Uchumi ambao unajiendesha wenyewe kwa kiasi kikubwa na ambao unalindwa vizuri. Sera za sasa za CCM zimeshindwa kutengeneza uchumi wa kisasa na badala yake zimetengeneza uchumi ambao ni watu wachache wananufaika. Hatuwezi kujenga uchumi huo kama tutaendelea kuangalia nje ya Tanzania kwa kutafuta misaada na kukopa badala ya kuweka mkazo katika uzalishaji na ulaji wa ndani.

Hivyo, kinyume na vyama vingine vilivyopo tunatarajia kuwa chama ambacho kinahifadhi mambo ya msingi ya uchumi na kijamii huku kikihakisha tunajenga taifa la kisasa.

Katika kutengeneza itikadi hii mpya chama chetu kitachota pasipo haya wala kuomba radhi katika hazina ya hekima ya Baba wa Taifa Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere na kujifunza huku tukiboresha nadharia zake nyingi ambazo tunaamini ni msingi wa kujenga taifa la watu walio sawa na wenye kuheshimu utu wa watu wote.

HIvyo, tutapinga ubaguzi wa aina yoyote dhidi ya Mtanzania mwingine, tutapigania maadili bora ya viongozi na kuhakikisha kuwa misingi iliyiounda taifa letu ikiwemo kupigania umoja wa Afrika, usawa na haki vinasimamiwa tena. Hatutavumilia kauli za kibaguzi zitakapotolewa na kiongozi au taasisi yeyote; kama Mwalimu alivyosema “Tanzania ni ya wote, na Watanzania ni wote”

3. Malengo/maudhui yake Kwa ufupi malengo ya chama chetu ni kuboresha maisha ya jamii yetu kwa kutumia uwezo wote ambao tumejaliwa na Mwenyezi Mungu. Uwezo wa akili, maliasili, nguvu kazi na hazina mbalimbali tulizojaliwa. Katika kufikia malengo hayo tutashiriki katika siasa za nchi yetu na kusimamisha wagombea wanaotokana na wananchi wenyewe na ambao wataongozwa na misingi hii ya chama hiki kipya.

4. Hitimisho na jinsi chama kilivyopokewa na wananchi Baada ya matukio ya mwaka 2010 ambapo tulitambua kuwa baadhi ya watu waliotaka kuanzisha chama pamoja nasi walikuwa na lengo la kutaka madaraka tu na siyo kutumikia wananchi tuliamua toka wakati ule kutoshirikisha watu wanaoitwa “vigogo” isipokuwa wale tu ambao hawana mpango wa kutumia chama chetu kupata madaraka ya haraka.

Hivyo, CCK iliamua toka mapema kabisa kuwahusisha wananchi moja kwa moja na kwa ushawishi wa hoja na kuwaonesha kuwa yawezekana chaguo bora liko nje ya vile ambavyo watu wamevipokea au kuaminishwa kuwa ndio chaguo pekee.

Hivyo, tumetiwa moyo jinsi tulivyopokewa mikoani na vijijini ambapo watu walikaa chini kutusikiliza na kutupa nafasi ya kuwashawishi. Hatukutumia magazeti au vyombo vikubwa vya habari na badala yake tumeenda vijiji na miji ambapo tumekutana na wananchi ambao baada ya kutusikiliza wengi walikuwa wanatuambia maneno ya matumaini kuwa “hiki ndicho chama walichokuwa wanakisubiria”. Tunawashukuru wananchi hawa hasa wakulima na vijana ambao wamechoshwa na sera mbovu zilizoshindwa kuboresha maisha yao.

5. Mfumo wa siasa hapa nchini Mojawapo ya matatizo makubwa ambayo yanatusumbua sasa hivi nchini na ambayo athari zake zinatoka kizazi kimoja kwenda kingine ni mfumo wetu wa kisiasa nchini. CCK inaamini kuwa mfumo huu wa kisiasa umepitwa na wakati na hauendani kabisa na matamanio ya kujenga taifa la kidemokrasia. Baadhi ya vitu ambavyo tunaamini vimepitwa na wakati na ambavyo vinahitaji kuondolewa mapema zaidi ni suala la ruzuku kwa vyama vya siasa.

Mfumo wa ruzuku uliingizwa kwenye siasa zetu na CCM kwa ajili ya kutafuta njia rahisi ya kupora raslimali zetu na kujinufaisha kwa migongo ya Watanzania. Hakuna sababu wala ulazima wa chama cha siasa kupewa fedha za umma kwa sababu tu ina watu waliochaguliwa kushika nafasi mbalimbali – huu ni wizi wa wazi! Sisi kama CCK tunataka na tutapigania hatimaye kuondolewa kwa mfumo huu wa ruzuku kwa vyama vya siasa kwani vinazawadia uzembe na ubadhirifu.

Iweje chama ambacho kimeshindwa kusimamia serikali yake na ufisadi umeshamiri chini yake bado kinapewa kila mwezi mabilioni ya fedha ambayo hayajafungwa na utendaji kazi wa chama hicho?

Yaani, haijalishi CCM inatawalaje lakini bado inalipwa kila mwezi na Watanzania! Hivyo, kinyume na vyama ambavyo vinaweza kudaiwa kuwa vimeundwa kwa ajili ya ruzuku CCK imeundwa huku ikiwa inatambua kuwa mfumo wa ruzuku ni wa hatari kwenye siasa zetu na kwa kweli ndio umechangia sana kuchelewesha kung’olewa kwa CCM madarakani!

Hivyo, katika mjadala wa Katiba Mpya sisi kama chama tutapigania na kuhakikisha kuwa ruzuku kwa vyama vya siasa zinafutwa ili kila chama kitegemee wanachama wake na akili zake kujiendesha. Kwani TANU ilipewa ruzuku na serikali ya Mkoloni ili ifanye siasa? Si ilitegemea wanachama wake? Kwanini kama wakati huo iliwezekana leo ishindikane?

6. Ushirikiano na vyama vingine vya upinzani Tunapenda ieleweke mapema kabisa kuwa hatuna uadui na chama chochote cha upinzani na hatuna sababu ya kushindana na chama kingine cha upinzani ambacho malengo yake yanakaribiana nay a kwetu. Ugomvi wetu na mgogoro wetu ni Chama cha Mapinduzi na uongozi wake kwa taifa.

Hivyo, tunatangaza uadui wa kudumu na CCM na tutashirikiana na chama chochote kile ambacho kina lengo la kuona CCM inaondolewa madarakani. Hata hivyo, ushirikiano huo utategemea kukubaliana kwa sera mbalimbali siyo kukubaliana kwa kuondoa CCM tu madarakani.

Endapo hata hivyo, hatutaweza kufanya kazi na vyama vingine vya siasa kwa msingi wa kukubaliana kisera basi sisi wenyewe tutaendelea na juhudi zetu za kuona kuwa serikali ya CCM inadhoofishwa na hatimaye chama hicho kuondolewa madarakani kwa kutumia nguvu za kidemokrasia. Hivyo basi, tunanyosha mkono wa ushirikiano kwa vyama vingine vya upinzani nchini kuwa tuko tayari kushirikiana nao kwa namna ile ambayo vyama vyetu vitakubaliana.

7. CCK kama chama kipya Chama chetu kina vijana wengi na vile vile nyuma yake wapo wazee ambao hekima yao tunaitegemea. Kina upya wa aina yake lakini vile vile kimejengwa kutoka katika misingi ya taifa. Hivyo, ni chama ambacho ni kipya lakini kinataka kujenga kutoka misingi ile ambayo CCM imeivunja vunja.

Kwa kweli ni chama mbadala hasa wa CCM na kinataka kuwarudishia wananchi wa Tanzania fahari yao. Tunataka kurudisha ule moyo wa uzalendo, kuipenda Tanzania na kuona fahari kuwa sisi ni Watanzania.

Hiki ni chama ambacho wananchi wamekuwa wakikisubiria. Hakina majina makubwa, hakina uwezo mkubwa wa kifedha na hakina raslimali nyingi za kutamba nazo lakini tulichonacho ni ujumbe wa wazi wa mabadiliko ya kweli yenye kutaka kulifanya taifa letu la kisasa kwa kusimamia sheria, uhuru wa habari na maoni, utu na usawa. Hivyo tunawakaribisha Watanzania wote ambao wamekuwa wakisubiria chama kama cha kwetu kujiunga nasi.

8. Hitimisho Kwa vile leo ni siku ya kwanza kutambulisha chama sitopenda kuzungumza mengi zaidi kwani nina uhakika siku zijazo tutaweza kuzungumza mengi zaidi. Sasa hivi kama chama tunajukumu la kujiandaa kuunda uongozi wetu wa kudumu na kujipanga zaidi kama chama na kuhakikisha tunakijenga chama mikoani.

Vile vile sitozungumza mengi zaidi kwa sababu tuna chaguzi mbalimbali ambazo zinakuja na tunataka kuangalia ni jinsi gani tunaweza kushiriki au kuunga mkono mgombea wa chama ambacho tunaamini kinawakilisha matarajio ya jamii husika.

Tunawashukuru kwa kuja kutusikiliza na kutupa nafasi ya kuwapelekea ujumbe kwa Watanzania kuwa “Mabadiliko ni sasa, na mabadiliko ni sisi”! Hatutasubiri tena watu wengine watuletee mabadiliko kwani mabadiliko ni yale ambayo sisi wenyewe tunajiletea. Asanteni. Constantine B. Akitanda Mwenyekiti CCK -Taifa

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FURAHA YA KANISA

Furaha ya Kanisa

Furaha ni hali isiyoshikika inayomtokea mtu pale anapopata jambo nzuri, habari njema au anapokuwa na amani moyoni, naweza kusema furaha si amani bali amani huweza kuoneshwa kwa furaha. Furaha inaweza kuwa ya muda mfupi(temporary) au kipindi kirefu (permanent).

Isaya 35:10 … na furaha ya milele itakuwa juu ya vichwa vyao..

Ukweli ni kwamba kuna kundi kubwa la watu ambalo halina furaha katika jamii ya kikristo, kuna wapendwa bado hawana furaha kanisani.

Hivyo ni lazima kufanyike jitihada ya pamoja kati ya mwamini/mshirika na kiongozi ili kuleta furaha kanisani au katika jumuiya ya kikristo.

Kwa mfano mwaka 2011 radio DW ilitangaza kwamba kanisa la RC nchini ujerumani linapoteza umaarufu kwa 70%, hapa suala si dhehebu bali ni ukristo. Unafikiri kwa nini ? Sababu kubwa ya kupoteza umaarufu ni kwamba waumini hawana furaha tena kanisani na hivyo wanaamua kutafuta furaha mahali pengine. Kama waumini wanaona kanisa(si RC bali kanisa lolote la kikristo) limeingia udhalimu kazi yake kukusanya sadaka na mbegu tu, kama kanisa limeingiza ndoa za jinsia moja na unajisi kwa watoto, kanisa linaona injili ya utajirisho na miujiza ndio imani  sahihi, litakuwa limewafanya waumini kuliona kama mahali pa wahalifu na wanyang’anyi wanaamua kulikimbia maana haliwapi furaha wanayoitaka.

Mathayo 21:13 akawaambia imeandikwa , Nyumba ya yangu haitaitwa nyumba ya sala; bali nivyi mmeifanya kuwa pango la wanyang’anyi.

Bwana Yesu mwenyewe anaona uharibifu ndani ya kanisa na hapendi kuona hali hiyo, hapendi kuona uhalifu wa ndani ya kanisa kama ifanyikavyo leo. Mfano mwishoni mwa mwaka 2011 nikakutana na mwanamke ambaye Bwana ake alidhulumiwa mamimilioni ya pesa na mtumishi mmoja huko Arusha, kwa kweli ukimuona yule mwanamke amechoka kabisa na maisha na nilipoongea naye akaoneka ni mkristo mwenye kulifahamu neno barabara na ndipo nikavutiwa kuzungumza naye na kunieleza jinsi walivyofanyiwa unyang’nyi na mtumishi na hata kupelekea bwana ake kufukuzwa kazi benki. Ipo mifano mingi ya nyang’anyi ufanyikao kanisani hata kupoteza furaha kwa waumini. Hata hivyo nikutie moyo kwamba bado kuna kanisa la kweli na furaha ya kweli tena iliyo thabiti.

Je furaha ya mkristo ni katika kutajirika, kuoa, kuoa na kuolewa au mafanikio yoyote?

La hasha Matendo 8:5-8 inajibu …⁶na makutano kwa nia moja wakasikiliza maneno yale yaliyosemwa na Filipo walipoyasikia na kuziona ishara…..⁸ikawa furaha kubwa katika mji ule.

Ni dhahiri kuwa furaha ya mkristo inaanzia kusikiliza maneno na hatimae kuziona ishara za maneno hayo. Furahaa ya mkristo ni matokeo ya kulisikiza na kulisoma neno safi la kristo na utendaji wa neno hilo na si propaganda nyingine.

Tena Yohana 16:24 inasema …ombeni nanyi mtapata, furaha yenu iwe timilifu.

Kumbe kupata kwa Bwana kunaikamilisha furaha na si kwamba ndiyo furaha yenyewe.

Kwa mfano injili ya utajirisho haina nguvu Ulaya na Arabuni maana wana utajiri mkubwa lakini bado wapungukiwa furaha ya kweli bado wana hofu na mambo mbalimbali. Kama ni mafanikio ya Nyanja zote wameyapata katika elimu, uchumi, sayansi na hata siasa lakini furaha bado ni tatizo la msingi kwao. Wao wanahitaji Yesu halisi ahubiriwe maana wengine ni wasomi bado wana hofu juu ya hatima ya maisha yao. Ikiwa kuna jehanam au la na nini hatima yao baada ya kifo.   

Hebu tupitie mambo matano yanayoleta furaha kwa mkristo

1.      Kumkaribia Mungu

Ni jambo la pekee kwa mkristo maana wakristo wengi wapo mbali na Mungu na imekuwa chanzo cha kutoiona furaha ya ukristo

Zaburi 73:28.. Mfalme Daudi anasema nami kumkaribia Mungu ni kwema kwangu…

Jambo jema kabisa kwa mkristo ni kumkaribia Mungu kwa maneno, matendo na kila jambo.

2.      Kwenda madhabahuni.

Huku ni kupiga hatua kuzungumza na Mungu kwa sala na maombi, kusifu, kuabudu na hata shukrani.

Zaburi 43:3-4 …⁴ Hivyo nitakwenda madhabahuni kwa Mungu, kwa Mungu aliye furaha yangu na shangwe yangu….

Kumbe ni Mungu(Yesu Kristo) ndiye furaha ya mkristo na MUngu huyu napatikana madhabahuni, na hapa madhabahu ni sehemu yoyote ifaayo kumsifu, kumuabudu na kumuomba Mungualiye hai.

3.      Kumwona Yesu

Baada ya kumkaribia na kwenda madhabahuni jambo linalofuata ni kumwona Yesu.

Yohana 20:20 inasema …basi wanafunzi wakafurahi walipomwona bwana.

Hapa ni zaidi ya kuona kwa macho ya nyama bali kushiriki na katika matendo mbalimbali, huduma na maombi na zaidi kuomba na kujibiwa. Wakristo wengi wamepata furaha baada ya kuona matokeo ya maombi na imani katika maisha yao. Kujibiwa maombi si imani yenyewe tu bali kunachochea imani na furaha ya mkristo.

4.      Kumkaribisha Bwana.

Kumkaribisha bwana ni kule kumfanya awe sehemu ya maisha yako, awe wa kwanza kwa kila jambo, kila mahali na wakati wote kutembea na bwana Yesu.

Luka 19:5-6 habari ya zakayo ..6 akafanya haraka, akashuka, akamkaribisha kwa furaha.

Ni hakika kuna wakristo wengi hawajamkaribisha bwana Yesu katika maisha yao, nyumba, kazi na biashara zao na hivyo siku zote zimekuwa za taabu na mashaka. Fanya haraka kama Zakayo ambaye aliposikia Bwana Yesu anataka kuingia nyumbani kwake na kushinda humo akamkaribisha kwa furaha.

5.      Kujifunza kwa Bwana Yesu

Mkristo ni lazima akubali kujifunza kwa Bwana wakati wote na hatua kwa hatua ili aone furaha kamili ya ukristo.

Yeremia 15:16 inanena maneno yako yalionekana, nami nikayala: na maneno yako yalikuwa ni furaha kwangu maana nimeitwa kwa jina lako, Ee Bwana wa majeshi.

Mnenaji hapa si kwamba tu aliona maneno bali aliyala, akayatendea kazi na hata kujifunza kwa maneno hayo na ndipo akapata furaha na shangwe na hata kutambua kuwa ameitwa kwa jina lake(Bwana) sawa kabisa na wa wakristo wa leo ambao kwa sababu wamegoma kujifunza neno basi hata hawatambui kwamba wameitwa kwa jina la Bwana (Kristo).

Ninaweza kumaliza maneno machache kwamba kuna kanisa la Kweli, ukristo wa kweli na ambao umejaa furaha kwelikweli. Karibu katika furaha ya milele ya wokovu.

Filipi 4:4 inaisistiza furahini siku zote.

Katika safari

Kapagi

CASFETA UYOLE VETERANS (CUV)

Bwana asifiwe

Wapendwa, kwanza nawashukuru kwa namna mlivyoshiriki kwa ajili ya ufanikisha mahafali 8 ya CASFETA Uyole Sekondari.

Ninayo furaha kuwataarifu Ex CASFETA wa Uyole Sekondari maarufu kama CASFETA UYOLE VETERANS(CUV) kuwa tumekubaliana kukutana siku ya ijumaa ya tarehe 28 sept, 2012 kwa ratiba ifuatayo;

Saa 12:20-13:30- Tutashiriki ibada ya tawi la Uyole (Nyumbani kwetu)

Saa 13:30-13:45- Tutazungumza na uongozi wa tawi CASFETA Uyole Sek.

Saa 13:45-14:30- Tutakuwa na kikao chetu binafsi wanaCUV ili kujadili mustakabali wetu na ajenda mbalimbali zitakazoletwa na wanachama( akiwemo wewe unayesoma sasa taarifa hii)

Tafadhali mpendwa USIPUUZE HATA KIDOGO yapo mambo mazuri na zaidi umoja kwa kazi njema ya Huduma.

Efeso 4:5

Upatapo habari hii mtaarifu na mwingine.

N.B MwanaCUV ni mwanaCASFETA yeyote aliyemalza Uyole Sekondari mwaka wowote na kwa jinsia zote wanaoendelea na uanafunzi na hata wasio shuleni.

Ubarikiwe.

Kumfuata Yesu

KUMFUATA YESU KUNAH1TAJI MAAMUZI NA KUFAHAMU KUWA : 

(LUKA 14:27-33)

WANATAKIWA WATU WALIO TAYARI KUJITESA/KUTESWA NA KUFANYA KAZI NYINGI TENA NDOGO NDOGO NA KWA MDA MREFU USIOJULIKANA NA KWA MALIPO YASIYOJULIKANA NA KWA MSHAHARA USIOJULIKANA AMBAO UTALIPWA KWA MDA USIOJULIKANA.

NA ALIYE TAYARI LAZIMA AWE NA SIFA ZIFUATAZO:-

1. AWE TAYARI KUFANYA KAZI ZAKE MWENYEWE ILI ASIWALEMEE WENGINE ISIPOKUWA KAMA WATAMPA KWA KUPENDA (SIO KWA UJANJA UJANJA WA KUWATISHIA LAANA). 1THES. 4:11-12, 2 THESA. 3:10-12, 2 KOR.8:1-5,9:7-8,

2. AWE TAYARI KUPOTEZA HESHIMA YAKE UTU WAKE NA HATA MALI/KAZI YAKE KWA SIKU ZA MWANZO AU HATA MPAKA MWISHO WA MAISHA YAKE.(MATH.19:27-29 FIL.3:7,8)

3. AWE TAYARI KUKONDA KWA SIKU ZA MWANZO NA HATA MPAKA MWISHO WA MAISHA YAKE (JAPO SI WOTE WANAOKONDA) KWA KUJITESA NA KUJIWAJIBISHA MWENYEWE KWA KUFUNGA "MARA KWA MARA" (ILA KWA KUZINGATIA NA KUFUATA KANUNI ZA KUFUNGA/KUFUNGUA ILI ASIDHURIKE KWA SABABU ZA UJINGA). KUKESHA KWA MAOMBI, AU KWA KUSOMA BIBLIA NA KUTAFAKARI UWEZO WA MUNGU N,K. (1 KOR.9:27 2 KOR. 11:27.) (NINAPOSEMA MARA KWA MARA NAMAANISHA ZAIDI YA SIKU MBILI KILA WIKI AU SIKU NANE KILA MWEZI HATA KAMA Nl ZA MASAA 12 YAANI ASUBUHI HADI JIONI.)

4. AWE TAYARI KUOMBA ZAIDI YA SAA MOJA KILA SIKU AU MASAA SABA KILA WIKI BILA KUJALI KAZI ANAYOIFANYA AU WATU WANAOMZUNGUKA.(1 THES.5:17)

5. AWE TAYARI KUTENGWA KUTESWA NA JAMAA AU NDUGU ZAKE KUFUNGWA GEREZANl AU KUUAWA NA WATU WA TAIFA LAKE AU JINGINE KWA SABABU YA IMANI YAKE HIYO.(YOH.16:1-4, MDO.21:13, 2KOR. 11:23-26, UFUN.6:9-11) NA KWA KIPINDl CHOTE HICHO ASIMTAMKIE WALA KUMTAKIA MTU YEYETE MABAYA. (MDO.7:59-60, EBR. 4:15,RUMI. 12:14,20)

6. AWE TAYARI WATU WAMWAGE DAMU YAKE LAKINI ASIFANYE DHAMBI. YAANI AJILINDE NA DHAMBI YA AINA YOYOTE AWAPO KATIKA HALI YOYOTE IWE YA TAABU, MISIBA AU SHEREHE, IWE YA NJAA AU RAHA, KUDHARAULIWA AU KUPENDWA N,K. (EBR.12:4, 2 KOR,6:3-10, RUMI.8:35-39)

7. AWE Nl MTU ANAYEJITUMA SANA KWA MAMBO YAONEKANAYO KUWA MADOGO MADOGO, BILA KUJALISHA ELIMU YAKE AU CHEO CHAKE AU UMRI WAKE AU JINSIA YAKE. BALI AJIFANYE KUWA MDOGO KULIKO WOTE KWA KUFANYA MAMBO YOTE MEMA KUWAZIDI WENGINE. NINAPOSEMA MADOGO MADOGO Nl KAMA;KUWAHI KUWEPO KATIKA KILA (KAZI) KIPINDl KINACHOMHUSU, KUFANYA USAFI KANISANI AU VYOONI, KUWATEMBELEA WATU WENGINE N,K. (MATH.20:27, LUK.19:17)

8 ASIPENDE VYEO WALA KUONEKANA WA MAANA KULIKO WENGINE WALA KUTAKA KUITWA MAJINA YADHANIWAYO KUWA NDO YA WAKUBWA YAANI KUITWA MTUME AU MCHUNGAJI, AU NABII, AU MWINJILISTI AU MWALIMU, AU ASKOFU AU MKURUGENZI AU MENEJA N,K. (YAK.1:9_f MARK.9:33-37 MATH.20:25-27, MATH.23:9-12)

Amazing KII card, brochure, advetisements, and logo designing

CASFETA UYOLE VETERANS(CUV)

MAHAFALI YA 8 CASFETA 2012

Bwana asifiwe

Wapendwa.. kwanza nawasalimu baada ya kutoonana kwa muda mrefu kabisa. Natumaini mnaendelea vema katika mambo yote kwa uweza wa Bwana wetu Yesu Kristo.

Mwaka jana wakati wa mahafali ya 7 ya CASFETA sekondari ya Uyole tulikubaliana kuwa tutakuwa tunayatumia mahafali ya kila mwaka ya CASFETA Uyole kama sehemu muhimu yakukutana baada ya mwaka mmoja wa masomo na shughuli mbalimbali.

Mwaka huu mahafali yamewadia yatakuwa Jumamosi tar 22 septemba. Tafadhali pamoja na kukukumbusha kutoyakosa pia watoto wanaomba tuwachangie chochote tulichonacho ili kufanikisha mahafali hayo muhimu.

Siku hiyo tunakaribisha ajenda motomoto kwa ajili ya kuboresha umoja wetu wa wana Uyole(CUV)

Ikiwa utataka kuchangia tafadhali wasiliana na Abner Zephania kwa 0765 316393.

Mara upatapo habari hii tafadhali mtaarifu na mpendwa mwingine kwa haraka.

Efeso 4:3

“Jitahidi kuuhifadhi umoja wa Roho katika kifungo cha amani”

 

Wenu katika utumishi

Peter Kapagi

 

Umoja kwa kazi njema ya huduma

Nguvu ya Neno

SOMO:   NGUVU YA NENO
MUWASILISHAJI:     Peter Kapagi

Tukisoma waebrania 4:12 isemayo

Utagundua mambo yafuatayo juu ya neno la kristo;

1.    Lina nguvu, nguvu huwezesha jambo litendeka au kazi yote ifanyike. Neno lipo kuwezesha mambo ya mwammini yafanyike hata kama haikuwezekana mbele ya neno lazima yawezekane na yatendeke tu.

2.    Neno li hai- maana yake lipo katia utendaji wakati wote masaa yote bila kupumzika.

3.    Neno lina ukali, lina magumu yote unayoweza kukumbwa nayo.

4.   Lina choma, linaweza kutenganisha vidhaifu na vyenye nguvu na mkristo haimpasi kuwa na mambo dhaifu na yenye nguvu kwani imempasa kuwa na vyenye nguvu tu.

5.    Linatambua mawazo ya moyo, yaani linaweza linaweza kukuonya na kukuongoza kila linapotambua mawazo ya moyo wako.

Neno linaweza kuyatenda hayo kwa sababu neno ni Kristo mwenyewe kama Yohana 1:1-4 isemavyo

KAZI KUU ZA NENO

Maombi pasipo neno ni bure kwa sababu maombi ni utekelezaji wa neno na ni lazima kwanza ujifunze neno au uitwe kwa neno au uisikie sauti ya bwana Yesu ikibisha ndani yako kwa neno ndipo uombe.

Injili na huduma yoyote yenye kuhitaji mafanikio katika mambo yote inahitaji neno lenye nguvu maana hapo ndipo zile kazi/ sifa tano tajwa hapo juu zinaweza kufanya kazi na kuthibitisha utukufu/ uwezo wa Bwana Yesu.

Neno linalaani na neno linabariki neno linajenga na kuumba na neno linabomoa

Operation Entebbe/ Thuernderbolt or Operation yonathan

The Entebbe Rescue Mission On June 27, 1976, four terrorists forced an Air France Airbus to land in Uganda, in the heart of distant Africa. They quickly demanded that Israel release 53 convicted terrorists. The hijackers freed the French crew and non­Jewish passengers, while retaining 105 Jewish and Israeli hostages. A 48­hour deadline was set before executions would begin. Faced with little choice, the Israeli government announced that it would enter into negotiations. This bought the precious time needed to consolidate a seemingly impossible military option. A new ultimatum was issued for 13:00 on Sunday, July 4. The only airplane capable of a rescue operation was the C­130 Hercules. On July 1, the mission's overall commander, Brig. General Dan Shomron (later to become the IDF Chief­of­Staff), presented his plan to the IDF Commander and Israel's Defense Minister. The next day they all witnessed a full­scale dress rehearsal. The incredible was deemed possible. Shomron's plan was based on several advantages that the Israelis had over the terrorists. The Entebbe airport at which the hostages were being held was built by an Israeli construction firm, which was able to provide Shomron with blueprints. Moreover, the released, non-Jewish hostages were able to describe the terrorists, their arms, and their positioning. As a result, the IDF decided to send in an overwhelmingly powerful force: over 200 of the best soldiers the army had to offer participated in the raid, all of them heavily armed. Finally, the element of surprise was probably the biggest edge that Israel held. According to Shomron: "You had more than 100 people sitting in a small room, surrounded by terrorists with their fingers on the trigger. They could fire in a fraction of a second. we had to fly seven hours, land safely, drive to the terminal area where the hostages were being held, get inside, and eliminate all the terrorists before any of them could fire." The fact that no one expected the Israelis to take such risks was precisely the reason that they took them. The aircraft took off at 13:20 on July 3 and headed south. Only then was the plan revealed to the Israeli Cabinet, which decided to let the operation continue. The lead Hercules carried the rescue force, led by Lt. Col. Yonatan Netanyahu. It also held two jeeps and the now famous black Mercedes, a perfect copy of dictator Idi Amin's personal car. Two additional Hercules carried reinforcements and troops assigned to carry out special missions, such as destroying the Migs parked nearby. A fourth Hercules was sent to evacuate the hostages. The air package also included two Boeing 707's. One acted as a forward command post. The second, outfitted as an airborne hospital, landed in nearby Nairobi, Kenya. The Hercules was escorted by F4 Phantoms as far as possible-about one­third the distance. Skirting thunderstorms over Lake Victoria, the Hercules transports neared the end of the 7­hour, 40­minute flight. A surprise awaited them: the runway lights were on! Despite this, they landed undetected at 23:01 (local time), only one minute past their planned arrival time. The soldiers freed the hostages in a lightning attack, killing all eight terrorists in the process. Tragically, force commander Yoni Netanyahu was killed as he led the hostages toward the safety of the aircraft; additionally, two hostages were killed in the crossfire inside the airport. The other squads accomplished their missions in virtually the same time as during the "dry­run." By 23:59 the planes were on their way home. The operation, which was predicted to last one hour, in fact took only 58 minutes. The mission struck a blow at international terrorism. "It resonated far and wide," Shomron later commented. "It showed that you could counter terrorism, and that it was worth cooperating to do so." As America celebrated its Bicentennial, the world was reminded that freedom is a value which must be fought for in every generation. Source: Israel Defense Forces Operation Entebbe From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Jump to: navigation, search Operation Entebbe Part of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict The old terminal building of the Entebbe International Airport as it appeared in 2008. Date 4 July 1976 Location Entebbe Airport, Uganda Result Mission successful; 102 (out of 106) hostages rescued[1] Belligerents  Israel PFLP-EO Revolutionary Cells  Uganda Commanders and leaders Yekutiel Adam Dan Shomron Benjamin Peled Yonatan Netanyahu (KIA) Wadie Haddad Wilfried Böse (KIA) Idi Amin Dada Strength Approximately 100 commandos, including Sayeret Matkal, Sayeret Tzanhanim and Sayeret Golani, plus air crew and support personnel. 7 hijackers. Unknown number of Ugandan soldiers. Casualties and losses 1 commando killed 5 commandos wounded Hijackers: All 7 killed Ugandan soldiers: 45 Ugandan soldiers killed[2] Unknown number of Ugandan soldiers wounded 11 MiG-17 aircraft destroyed. 4 hostages killed 10 hostages wounded v t e Palestinian insurgency in South Lebanon Engagements 1968 Israeli raid on Lebanon Avivim school bus massacre Lod Airport massacre 1972 Israeli air raid in Syria and Lebanon 1973 Israeli raid on Lebanon Kiryat Shmona massacre Ma'alot massacre 1974 Nahariya attack Savoy Hotel Attack Kfar Yuval hostage crisis Coastal Road massacre 1978 South Lebanon conflict 1979 Nahariya attack Misgav Am hostage crisis International incidents El Al Flight 426 hijacking El Al Flight 253 attack El Al Flight 432 attack TWA Flight 840 hijacking (1969) Dawson's Field hijackings Munich massacre Operation Wrath of God Sabena Flight 571 hijacking Attack on the Saudi Embassy in Khartoum 1973 New York City bomb plot TWA Flight 841 (1974) Pan Am Flight 110 Operation Entebbe Operation Entebbe was a counter-terrorist hostage-rescue mission carried out by commandos of the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) at Entebbe Airport in Uganda on 4 July 1976.[3] A week earlier, on 27 June, an Air France plane with 248 passengers was hijacked, by terrorists of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine and the German Revolutionary Cells, and flown to Entebbe, near Kampala, the capital of Uganda. The hijackers separated the Israelis and, according to some, Jews from the larger group and forced them into another room.[4][5][6] That afternoon, 47 non-Israeli hostages were released.[6][7][4] The next day, 101 more non-Israeli hostages were allowed to leave on board an Air France aircraft. More than 100 Israeli and Jewish passengers, along with the non-Jewish pilot Captain Bacos, remained as hostages and were threatened with death. [8][9] The IDF acted on intelligence provided by the Israeli intelligence agency Mossad. The hijackers threatened to kill the hostages if their prisoner release demands were not met. This threat led to the planning of the rescue operation.[10] These plans included preparation for armed resistance from Ugandan military troops.[11] The operation took place at night. Israeli transport planes carried 100 commandos over 2,500 miles (4,000 km) to Uganda for the rescue operation. The operation, which took a week of planning, lasted 90 minutes. 102 hostages were rescued. Five Israeli commandos were wounded and one, the commander, Lt. Col. Yonatan Netanyahu, was killed. All the hijackers, three hostages and 45 Ugandan soldiers were killed, and thirty Soviet-built MiG-17s and MiG-21s of Uganda's air force were destroyed.[12] 24 hours later, a fourth Israeli hostage was killed[13][14] by Ugandan army officers at a nearby hospital.[15] The rescue, named Operation Thunderbolt, is sometimes referred to retroactively as Operation Jonathan in memory of the unit's leader, Yonatan Netanyahu. He was the older brother of Benjamin Netanyahu, who served as the two-time Prime Minister of Israel from 1996 to 1999 and from 2009-present.[14] Contents 1 Background 2 Hijacking 3 Operational planning 3.1 Attempts at a diplomatic solution 3.2 Raid preparation 3.3 Task force 4 Raid 4.1 Attack route 4.2 Hostage rescue 4.3 Departure 4.4 Ugandan reaction 4.4.1 Dora Bloch killing 4.4.2 Killing of Kenyans 5 Aftermath 6 Nationalities 7 Gallery 8 Dramatisations and documentaries 9 See also 10 Notes 11 References 12 Further reading 13 External links [edit] Background Main article: Palestinian insurgency in South Lebanon The PLO was ousted from Jordan after Jordanian-Palestinian civil war. The Palestinian military organizations then made South Lebanon its headquarters and enlisted militants from Palestinian refugee camps. South Lebanon was also referred to as Fatahland, due to the almost complete control of Fatah and other military Palestinian organizations over this officially Lebanese area, which they used to stage attacks against Israel, mainly targeting civilians, and to engage in international airflight terror campaign. [edit] Hijacking Air France Flight 139 Hijacking summary Date 27 June 1976 Type Hijacking Site Greek airspace Passengers 248 Crew 12 Injuries 10 Fatalities 4 Survivors 256 Aircraft type Airbus A300 Operator Air France Tail number F-BVGG Flight origin Ben Gurion International Airport Stopover Athens (Ellinikon) International Airport Destination Charles De Gaulle International Airport On 27 June 1976, Air France Flight 139, an Airbus A300 (Airbus A300B4-203), registration F-BVGG (c/n 019), originated from Tel Aviv, Israel, carrying 248 passengers and a crew of 12. The flight took off from Athens, Greece headed for Paris.[16][note 1] Soon after the 12:30 pm takeoff, the flight was hijacked by two Palestinians from the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine – External Operations (PFLP-EO) and two Germans from the German Revolutionary Cells—Wilfried Böse and Brigitte Kuhlmann. The hijackers diverted the flight to Benghazi, Libya.[17] There it was held on the ground for seven hours for refuelling, during which time a female hostage was released who pretended to be having a miscarriage.[10] The plane left Benghazi, and at 3:15 pm on the 28th, more than 24 hours after the flight's original departure, it arrived at Entebbe Airport in Uganda.[17] At Entebbe, the four hijackers were joined by at least four others, supported by the pro-Palestinian forces of Uganda's President, Idi Amin. They demanded the release of 40 Palestinians held in Israel and 13 other detainees imprisoned in Kenya, France, Switzerland, and West Germany. They threatened that if these demands were not met, they would begin to kill hostages on 1 July 1976.[18] The hijackers sorted the hostages into two groups—Jews and Israelis in one, everyone else in another. [19] In 2011, one of the survivors, Ilan Hartuv, said that the hijackers did not separate out the Jews, only the Israelis. [20] As they did so, a Holocaust survivor showed Böse a camp registration number tattooed on his arm, Böse protested "I'm no Nazi! ... I am an idealist".[19] According to Ilan Hartuv, one of the hostages, the hijackers told the hostages explicitly that they are against Israel and not against Jews. Among the freed passengers there were many Jews that did not hold Israeli citizenship, including two yeshiva students from Brazil.[20] The hijackers held the passengers hostage for a week in the transit hall of Entebbe Airport—now the old terminal. Some hostages were released, but 106 remained captive.[1][17] The hijackers threatened to kill them if Israel did not comply with their demands.[18] It was announced that the hijackers that the airline crew and non-Jewish passengers would be released and put on another Air France plane that had been brought to Entebbe for that purpose. The flight captain Michel Bacos then told the hijackers that all passengers, including those remaining, were his responsibility and that he would not leave them behind. Bacos's entire crew followed suit. A French nun also refused to leave, insisting that one of the remaining hostages take her place, but she was forced into the waiting Air France plane by Ugandan soldiers.[11] A total of 85 Israeli and non-Israeli Jewish hostages remained, plus 20 others, most of whom were the crew of the Air France plane.[3][21] [edit] Operational planning In the week before the raid, Israel tried a number of political avenues to obtain the release of the hostages. Many sources indicate that the Israeli cabinet was prepared to release Palestinian prisoners if a military solution seemed unlikely to succeed. A retired IDF officer, Baruch "Burka" Bar-Lev, had known Idi Amin for many years and was considered to have a strong personal relationship with him. At the request of the cabinet he spoke with Amin on the phone many times, attempting to obtain the release of the hostages, without success.[22][23] The Israeli government also approached the US government to deliver a message to Egyptian president Anwar Sadat, asking him to request Amin to release the hostages.[24] On the 1 July deadline,[25] the Israeli government offered to negotiate with the hijackers in order to extend the deadline to 4 July. Amin also asked them to extend the deadline until 4 July. This meant he could take a diplomatic trip to Port Louis, Mauritius, in order to officially hand over the chairmanship of the Organisation of African Unity to Seewoosagur Ramgoolam.[26] This extension of the hostage deadline would prove crucial in allowing Israeli forces enough time to get to Entebbe.[16] On 3 July, the Israeli cabinet approved the rescue mission,[27] under the command of Major General Yekutiel "Kuti" Adam with Matan Vilnai as the Deputy Commander.[28] Brigadier General Dan Shomron was appointed to command the operation on the ground.[29] [edit] Attempts at a diplomatic solution As the crisis unfolded, attempts were made to solve the crisis by negotiating the release of the hostages. According to declassified diplomatic documents, the Egyptian government under Sadat tried to negotiate with both the PLO and the Ugandan government, and special envoy Hanni al Hassan was sent to negotiate in Uganda.[30][31] Negotiations, however, were made futile as the operation proceeded. [edit] Raid preparation Eventually President Idi Amin allowed more Palestinian hijackers to join the hostages[citation needed], some accounts claim that all non-Israelis including Jews where allowed to leave [20] other hostage accounts claim that the hijackers kept both Jews and Israelis hostage [19]. At this point the Israeli authorities felt no other option but to formulate a plan of attack. Lt. Col. Joshua Shani, the lead pilot for the hostage rescue, said that the Israelis had had a previous plan that involved dropping naval commandos into Lake Victoria and letting them rescue the hostages. The commandos would have then ridden in rubber boats to the airport, located on the edge of Lake Victoria. After killing the terrorists and freeing the hostages, they would have asked Ugandan leader Idi Amin for a free passage home. However, this plan was later abandoned because the Israelis ran out of time. Shani also said about the operation, “The entire operation was planned over 48 hours. Planning an operation like this might take another military a month, two months, six months or more, but we had two days, so we probably covered only 2 percent of the plan, leaving 98 percent to improvisation." Mossad built an accurate picture of the whereabouts of the hostages, the number of militants, and the involvement of Ugandan troops from the released hostages in Paris.[32] While preparing the raid the Israeli army consulted with Israeli firms involved in building projects in Africa during the 1960s and 1970s. While planning the military operation the IDF erected a partial replica of the airport terminal with the help of civilians who had helped build the original. During planning of the raid it became apparent that although several nations within East Africa may have been sympathetic to the plight of the hostages, no single territory would risk incurring the wrath of their neighbour, Idi Amin (at the time militarily superior to all his neighbours) by aiding the Israeli government in any potential action or incursion on Ugandan soil. The Lockheed C130 Hercules aircraft the IDF would be using to carry out the raid lacked the range required (given payload and operational considerations) to reach Kampala and back without refueling; Nor was there the logistical capacity of conducting aerial refueling for 4-6 aircraft so distant from Israeli airspace. Moreover, the IDF would and could not cross the airspace of a sovereign nation under arms without the express permission of the government in question as this could be misconstrued as an act of open aggression against the nation they intended to transit through. It was clear that the raid would not proceed without the assistance of at least one government in the East African region, but although several including the logistically obvious choice—Kenya—were sympathetic, no one wished to incur the wrath of Idi Amin or the Palestinians. It is likely[original research?] that at this stage a prominent Jewish hotelier in Kenya and owner of the Block hotels chain, along with other members of the Jewish/Israeli community in Nairobi, used their considerable political and economic influence with Kenya's then President, Mzee Jomo Kenyatta, to bolster negotiations by the Israeli diplomatic mission in Nairobi. The result was that the Israeli government managed to secure permission for the IDF task-force to cross Kenyan airspace and land and refuel at the Jomo Kenyatta International Airport.[citation needed] Unfortunately this came at a high price as The Norfolk hotel, then property of Block Hotels, was bombed by the PFLP/PLO in retaliation for the perceived involvement of the Block family and Kenyan Jewish/Israeli business community on the 31st December 1980. The bombing was the first act of foreign terrorism perpetrated on Kenyan soil and resulted in 13 fatalities and 87 casualties of several nationalities.[33] According to a 5 July 2006, Associated Press interview with raid organizer "Muki" Betser, Mossad operatives extensively interviewed the hostages who had been released.[34] Betser reports that a French-Jewish passenger with military training and "a phenomenal memory", allowed him to give information about the number and arms of the hostage-takers which proved very useful in the investigation.[34] After days of collecting intelligence and planning by Netanyahu's deputy Moshe "Muki" Betser, four Israeli Air Force C-130 Hercules transport aircraft flew secretly to Entebbe Airport, by cover of night, without aid of Entebbe air traffic control. [edit] Task force Yonatan Netanyahu The Israeli ground task force numbered approximately 100 personnel, and comprised the following:[29] The Ground Command and Control Element This small group comprised the overall ground commander, Brig. Gen. Shomron, and the communications and support personnel. The Assault Element A 29-man assault unit led by Lt. Col. Netanyahu, this force was composed entirely of commandos from Sayeret Matkal, and was given the primary task of assaulting the old terminal and rescuing the hostages. Major Betser led one of the element's assault teams; Matan Vilnai led another. The Reinforcement Element Securing the area, and preventing any hostile ground forces from interfering with the C-130 Hercules aircraft and the actual rescue. Destroying the squadron of MiG fighter jets on the ground, to prevent any possible interceptions by the Ugandan Air Force. Providing protection for and assisting in the loading of the hostages aboard the transports. Assisting in the ground refuelling of the air transports. [edit] Raid Aerial photo of the city of Entebbe and the Entebbe International Airport in sunset [edit] Attack route The task force's route flew over Sharm al-Sheikh and down the international flight path over the Red Sea, mostly flying at a height of no more than 30 m (100 ft) to avoid radar detection by Egyptian, Sudanese, and Saudi Arabian forces. Near the south outlet of the Red Sea the C-130s turned south and passed south of Djibouti. From there, they went to a point northeast of Nairobi, Kenya, likely across Somalia and the Ogaden area of Ethiopia. They turned west, passing through the African Rift Valley and over Lake Victoria.[35] Two Boeing 707 jets followed the cargo planes. The first Boeing contained medical facilities and landed at Jomo Kenyatta International Airport in Nairobi, Kenya. The commander of the operation, General Yekutiel Adam, was on board the second Boeing, which circled over Entebbe Airport during the raid.[29] The Israeli forces landed at Entebbe at 23:00 IST, with their cargo bay doors already open. A black Mercedes and accompanying Land Rovers were taken along to give the impression that the Israeli troops driving from the landed aircraft to the terminal building were an escort for a returning Amin, or other high-ranking official.[11][36] The Mercedes and its escort vehicles were quickly driven by the Israeli assault team members to the airport terminal in the same fashion as Amin. Along the way, two Ugandan sentries, who were aware that Idi Amin had recently purchased a white Mercedes to replace his black one, ordered this procession of vehicles to stop.[dubious – discuss] The commandos shot the sentries with silenced pistols, but did not kill either of them.[11] As they pulled away, an Israeli commando in one of the Land Rovers that followed the Mercedes noticed that the sentries were still alive, and immediately killed them with a burst from his unsuppressed assault rifle.[11] Fearing premature alerting of the hijackers, the assault team was quickly sent into action.[36] [edit] Hostage rescue The Israelis sprang from their vehicles and burst towards the terminal. The hostages were in the main hall of the airport building, directly adjacent to the runway. Upon entering the terminal, the commandos were shouting through a megaphone, "Stay down! Stay down! We are Israeli soldiers," in both Hebrew and English. Jean-Jacques Maimoni, a 19 year-old French immigrant to Israel who chose to identify himself as an Israeli Jew to the hijackers even though he also had a French passport—stood up and was killed when Israeli company commander Muki Betzer and another soldier mistook him for a terrorist and fired at him.[17] Another hostage, Pasco Cohen, 52, the manager of an Israeli medical insurance fund, was also fatally wounded by gunfire from the commandos.[37][17] In addition, a third hostage, 56-year-old Ida Borochovitch, a Russian Jew who had emigrated to Israel, was killed in the crossfire.[38] According to hostage Ilan Hartuv, the only hijacker that entered the hall where the hostages were assembled after the start of the operation, was Wilfried Böse. At first he pointed his Kalashnikov rifle at hostages, but "immediately came to his senses" and ordered them to find shelter in the restroom. According to Hartuv, Böse fired only at Israeli soldiers and not at hostages.[20] A C-130 Hercules in front of old terminal after arriving with food and supplies for the Rwandan refugee camps in 1994. Bullet hole damage from the 1976 raid is still visible. At one point, an Israeli commando called out in Hebrew, "Where are the rest of them?", referring to the hijackers.[citation needed] The hostages pointed to a connecting door of the airport's main hall, into which the Israeli commandos threw several hand grenades. They then entered the room and shot dead the three remaining hijackers, thus completing their assault.[16] Meanwhile, the other three C-130 Hercules had landed and unloaded armoured personnel carriers, which were to be used for defense during the anticipated hour of refuelling, to destroy Ugandan MiG fighter planes at the airport to prevent them from pursuing the Israelis after they left Entebbe Airport; and for intelligence-gathering.[16] [edit] Departure After the raid, the Israeli assault team returned to their aircraft and began loading the hostages on board. Ugandan soldiers shot at them in the process. The Israeli commandos returned fire with their assault rifles, inflicting casualties on the Ugandans. During this brief but intense firefight, Ugandan soldiers fired at them from the Airport control tower. Israeli commander Yonatan Netanyahu was killed after being shot in the chest, possibly by a Ugandan sniper.[1][39] He was the only Israeli commando killed in the operation.[16] At least five other commandos were wounded. Israeli commandos fired light machine guns and an RPG back at the control tower, suppressing the Ugandans firing upon the Israelis. The Israelis finished evacuating the hostages, loaded Netanyahu's body into one of the aeroplanes, and then left Entebbe Airport.[citation needed] The entire operation lasted 53 minutes—of which the assault lasted only 30 minutes. All seven hijackers present and around 33–45 Ugandan soldiers were killed.[16][need quotation to verify] About 11 Ugandan Army Air Force MiG-17 fighter planes were destroyed on the ground at Entebbe Airport.[citation needed] Out of the 106 hostages, three were killed, one was left in Uganda, and approximately 10 were wounded. The 102 rescued hostages were flown to Israel via Nairobi, Kenya, shortly after the raid.[14] [edit] Ugandan reaction [edit] Dora Bloch killing Dora Bloch, a 75-year-old British Jewish immigrant, had been taken to Mulago Hospital in Kampala, and was killed by officers of the Ugandan army, as were some of her doctors and nurses for apparently trying to intervene.[40][17][need quotation to verify] In April 1987, Henry Kyemba, Uganda's Attorney General and Minister of Justice at the time, told the Uganda Human Rights Commission that Bloch had been dragged from her hospital bed and killed by two army officers on Idi Amin's orders.[41][need quotation to verify] Mrs Bloch had been shot and her body dumped in the trunk of a car which had Ugandan intelligence services number plates. Bloch's remains were recovered near a sugar plantation 20 miles (32 km) east of Kampala in 1979,[15] after the Ugandan–Tanzanian War led to the end of Amin's rule.[42] [edit] Killing of Kenyans Idi Amin ordered the killing of hundreds of Kenyans living in Uganda in retaliation for Kenya's assistance to Israel in the raid.[43] [edit] Aftermath The government of Uganda, led by Juma Oris, the Ugandan Foreign Minister at the time, later convened a session of the United Nations Security Council to seek official condemnation of the Israeli raid,[44] as a violation of Ugandan sovereignty. The Security Council ultimately declined to pass any resolution on the matter, condemning neither Israel nor Uganda. In his address to the Council, Israeli ambassador Chaim Herzog said: We come with a simple message to the Council: we are proud of what we have done because we have demonstrated to the world that a small country, in Israel's circumstances, with which the members of this Council are by now all too familiar, the dignity of man, human life and human freedom constitute the highest values. We are proud not only because we have saved the lives of over a hundred innocent people—men, women and children—but because of the significance of our act for the cause of human freedom.[45][46] —Chaim Herzog. Israel received support from the Western World for its operation. West Germany called the raid "an act of self defense". Switzerland and France also praised Israel for the operation. Significant praise was received from representatives of the United Kingdom and the United States both of whom called it "an impossible operation". Some in the United States noted that the hostages were freed on 4 July 1976 which was 200 years since the signing of the US declaration of independence.[47][48][49] In private conversation with Israeli Ambassador Dinitz, Henry Kissinger sounded criticism for Israeli use of US equipment during the operation, but that criticism was not made public.[50] UN Secretary General Kurt Waldheim described the raid as "a serious violation of the national sovereignty of a United Nations member state" (meaning Uganda). Dozens of Ugandan soldiers were killed in the raid. The Arab and Communist world condemned the operation calling it an act of aggression. For refusing to depart (and subsequently leave some of his passengers as hostages) when given leave to do so by the hijackers, Captain Bacos was reprimanded by his superiors at Air France and suspended from duty for a period.[51] Captain Bacos was later awarded the National Order of the Legion of Honour, the highest decoration in France, and the other crew members were awarded the French Order of Merit.[52][53] In the ensuing years, Betser and the Netanyahu brothers—Iddo and Benjamin, all Sayeret Matkal veterans—argued in increasingly public forums about who was to blame for the unexpected early firefight which caused Yonatan Netanyahu's death and partial loss of tactical surprise.[54][55] As a result of the operation, the United States military developed highly trained rescue teams modeled on the Entebbe rescue.[56] One notable attempt to imitate it was Operation Eagle Claw, a failed rescue of 53 American embassy personnel held hostage in Tehran during the Iran hostage crisis.[57][58] [edit] Nationalities The aircraft was carrying 248 passengers and 12 crew members[16][note 1]—of which four passengers were killed and ten injured.[citation needed] From the total of 260 people on board, 256 returned home safely. The four passengers killed were: Jean-Jacques Maimoni—a 19-year-old French Jew who stood up while the Israeli commandos were shooting the hijackers. They may have mistaken him for a hijacker.[17] Pasco Cohen—a 52-year-old manager of an Israeli medical insurance fund, who was killed by the commandos.[17] Ida Borochovitch—a 56-year-old Russian Jew who had immigrated to Israel, was killed in the crossfire.[17] Dora Bloch—a 75-year-old British immigrant to Israel, was killed by the Ugandan government as a reprisal for the raid while she was receiving treatment at Mulago Hospital in Kampala for a condition unrelated to the raid. Her remains were recovered near a sugar plantation 20 miles (32 km) east of Kampala in 1979.[42] According to a list by Air France, most of the passengers were Israeli, French, American, and British citizens. The complete list is as follows:[citation needed] Nation Passengers Crew Total  Belgium 4 0 4  Brazil 2 0 2  Denmark 2 0 2  France 42 11 53  Greece 25 0 25  Germany 1 0 1  Israel 92 0 92  Italy 9 0 9  Japan 1 0 1  South Korea 1 0 1  Spain 5 0 5  Sweden 0 1 1  United Kingdom 30 0 30  United States 34 0 34 Total 248 12 260 [edit] Gallery The old terminal building as it appears today. The old terminal building as seen from the front. Close up of the control tower. Wall plaque on display at the old terminal building. The old terminal building of the Entebbe International Airport as seen from the air. [edit] Dramatisations and documentaries The incident was the subject of several films, two of which were U.S. productions with American/British casts; a third was produced in Israel with mostly Israeli actors in the key roles. The hijacking of Air France Flight AF139 and the subsequent rescue mission is featured in the documentary Operation Thunderbolt: Entebbe.[59] Below follow a complete list of films on the subjects: Victory at Entebbe (1976): with Anthony Hopkins, Burt Lancaster, Elizabeth Taylor and Richard Dreyfuss, Director: Marvin J. Chomsky. Raid On Entebbe (1977): with Peter Finch, Horst Buchholz, Charles Bronson, John Saxon, Yaphet Kotto, and James Woods, Director: Irvin Kershner, Producer: Edgar J. Scherick. Mivtsa Yonatan (English title: Operation Thunderbolt) (1977): Israeli Yehoram Gaon played Col. Netanyahu, Austrian Sybil Danning and German Klaus Kinski played the hijackers. Director: Menahem Golan. The incident is the subject of Cohen on the Bridge a documentary by director Andrew Wainrib, who gained unprecedented access to the surviving commandos and hostages. An animated short of the documentary won the St. Louis International Film Festival's Festival Prize,[60] was an Award Winner at the Palm Springs Short Fest[61] and played many festivals in 2010 including Big Sky, and Santa Barbara International. The feature length documentary is slated for release in 2011, the 35th anniversary of Operation Entebbe.[62] Other depictions include: In The Delta Force (1986) the hostage rescue operation was inspired by Operation Entebbe. The incident was also featured in Rise and Fall of Idi Amin (1980) and The Last King of Scotland (2006). The 1988 arcade game Operation Thunderbolt was loosely based on the events of Operation Entebbe. "Assault on Entebbe", an episode of the National Geographic Channel documentary Situation Critical featured this incident. To Pay the Price is a 2009 play by Peter-Adrian Cohen based in part on Yonatan Netanyahu's letters.[63] The play, produced by North Carolina's Theatre Or opened off-off Broadway in New York in June 2009 during the Festival of Jewish Theater and Ideas.[64] In the Simpsons episode "The Greatest Story Ever D'ohed" (2010) the Israeli tourist guide (voiced by Sacha Baron Cohen) offers Marge an Uzi submachine gun saying "You can hold my gun. I used it in Entebbe, I killed three Ugandans!".