Oscar Kambona

Today i have published information on Oscar Kambona direct from Wikipedia but i promise that one i will describe in detail who is he and his relationship with pure politics.

Kapagi

Good lucky......

 Oscar Salathiel Kambona was the first foreign affairs minister of Tanganyika and the second most influential and most popular leader in the country after President Julius Nyerere.
He was born on 13 August 1928 on the shores of Lake Nyasa in a small village called Kwambe near Mbamba Bay in the district of Mbinga near Songea in southern Tanganyika. He died in London in July 1997.
He was the son of the Reverend David Kambona and Miriam Kambona. Reverend David Kambona belonged to the first group of African priests to be ordained into the Anglican Church of Tanganyika.
Kambona received his primary school education at home under a mango tree in his home village. The tree still stands today. He was taught by his parents and by an uncle, all of whom were teachers.
He was then sent to St Barnabas Middle School in Liuli in southern Tanganyika not far from his home. He also attended Alliance Secondary School in Dodoma in central Tanganyika.
A British Anglican bishop paid Oscar Kambona's school fees because his father could not afford to do so. The school fees were 30 Pounds per year. Kambona is reported to have said he convinced the Anglican bishop to pay his school fees by reciting the Lord's Prayer in English.
He was then selected to attend Tabora Boys’ Senior Government School where he first met Julius Nyerere who was already teaching at St. Mary's, a Catholic school in the town of Tabora.

Contents 1 Political career 2 Exile 3 Coup Leader 4 Return of the "prodigal son" 5 The beginning of the end 6 End of his life 7 References

Political career

Kambona became the secretary-general of the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) during the struggle for independence and worked closely with Nyerere who was president of TANU, the party which led Tanganyika to independence. Tanganyika won independence from Britain on 9 December 1961. The two were the most prominent leaders of the independence movement in Tanganyika in the 1950s.
Oscar Kambona was a charismatic leader who also had great influence among the leaders of the African liberation movements based in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, second only to Nyerere, after the country won independence.
He was a shining star in the constellation of Tanganyikan (later Tanzanian) politicians and it was widely believed that he would be the next president of the country if Nyerere no longer ran for office or stepped down for whatever reason. His stature as Nyerere's heir apparent or successor was enhanced when, as defence minister, he calmed down soldiers who could have overthrown the government.
That was during the army mutiny in January 1964 when President Nyerere and Vice President Rashidi Kawawa were taken to a safe place by the members of the intelligence service in case the soldiers wanted to harm them.
It was Oscar Kambona, alone, who confronted the soldiers and negotiated with them. He drove himself to the army barracks to talk to the army mutineers and listen to their demands. The soldiers wanted their salaries increased and British army officers replaced by African officers.
There was, however, suspicion that some elements in the government and in the labour movement secretly worked with the soldiers to create a tense situation in an attempt to overthrow President Nyerere.
Kambona obviously was not one of them. Had he wanted to, he could have used the opportunity to seize power. He was popular with the soldiers and they trusted him. He was also, during that time, minister of defence.
Soldiers in neighbouring Kenya and Uganda also mutinied around the same time, within the next two days after Tanganyika's army mutiny which took place on 20 January, and made the same demands their counterparts did in Tanganyika.
The army mutinies in the three East African countries were suppressed by British troops who had been flown from Aden and Britain at the request of the three East African leaders (Julius Nyerere of Tanganyika, Jomo Kenyatta of Kenya, and Milton Obote of Uganda). Other British troops came from neighbouring Kenya. The mutinies were over in only a few days.
After Nyerere came out of seclusion, he publicly thanked Oscar Kambona, whom he called "my colleague," for defusing a potentially dangerous situation.
In fact, when the soldiers remained defiant, it was Oscar Kambona who persuaded Nyerere to seek immediate assistance from the former colonial power, Britain, to suppress the mutiny.
The two leaders had been close political allies and personal friends since the days of the independence struggle when they were the main leaders of the independence movement. In fact, when Kambona got married to a former Miss Tanganyika at a cathedral in London, Nyerere was his best man.
But the two leaders started drifting apart a few years after independence. The first rift occurred in 1964 during the army mutiny, and then in 1965 when Tanzania officially became a one-party state.
As a cabinet member, Oscar Kambona supported the transition to a one-party state but did so reluctantly, only as a team player.
He was opposed to the change because he said there was no mechanism guaranteeing change of government by constitutional means in a country dominated by one party. He also contended that there were no constitutional safeguards to make sure that the country did not drift into dictatorship.
The next split with Nyerere came in February 1967 when Tanzania adopted the Arusha Declaration, an economic and political blueprint for the transformation of Tanzania into a socialist state.
Kambona was opposed to this fundamental change and argued that the government should first launch a pilot scheme to see if the policy was going to work on a national scale.
Tanzania's socialist policy was mainly based on the establishment of ujamaa villages, roughly equivalent to communes or the Kibbutz in Israel, so that the people could live and work together for their collective well-being and make it easier for the government to provide them with basic services such as water supply, medical treatment at clinics, and education by building schools which could be within short distance from the villages.
Oscar Kambona argued that it was important, first, to show the people that living in ujamaa villages, or collective communities, was beneficial and a good idea. He said that could be done by establishing a few ujamaa villages in different parts of the country as a pilot scheme to demonstrate the viability of those villages and show the people the benefits they would get if they agreed to live together and work together on communal farms.
The debate, conducted mostly in private when the delegates of the ruling party TANU were discussing in a public forum the document of the Arusha Declaration, was between Oscar Kambona on one side and Julius Nyerere as well as Vice President Rashid Kawawa on the other side.
They were the country's three main and most powerful and most influential leaders and met privately away from the delegates at the conference in Arusha to resolve their differences.
The private meeting and debate went on for quite some time during the duration of the conference and whenever the subject came up, whether or not Tanzania should adopt socialist policies and establish ujamaa villages, Kawawa always supported Nyerere against Kambona.
The two (Kambona and Kawawa) became bitter enemies thereafter. In fact, they started going separate ways even before then because Kambona saw Kawawa as no more than a "puppet" of Nyerere, manipulated at will, and who agreed with everything Nyerere said and wanted. However, when he was interviewed shortly after Kambona's death, Kawawa made a public statement that he "had no disagreement with Kambona and worked well with him as a colleague throughout." The interview was broadcast by Radio Tanzania in 1997.
Kambona was the only cabinet member who challenged Nyerere and stood up to him and saw him as his equal. There was probably another cabinet member, Chief Abdallah Said Fundikira III, Tanganyika's first minister of constitutional affairs, who not long after independence left the cabinet over disagreements with Nyerere. Fundikira had known Nyerere since their student days at Makerere University College in Uganda in the early 1940s.
But the differences between Kambona and Nyerere were fundamentally ideological and more than just a dispute over the way ujamaa villages should be established.
Kambona was opposed to socialism. He was not a socialist like Nyerere. He was a capitalist. He was also opposed to Chinese communist influence in Tanzania and believed that Nyerere's brand of socialism would be patterned after Chinese communist policies. He also believed that Chinese leader Mao Tse Tung had undue and profound influence on Nyerere. He attributed that to Nyerere's first visit to the People's Republic of China in 1965, contending that it was after this trip that Nyerere decided to establish a one-party state after he returned to Tanzania.
But Kambona lost. The Arusha Declaration, Tanzania's socialist manifesto and political blueprint, was adopted in February 1967 and socialism became Tanzania's official policy.

Exile

A few months later, in July 1967, Oscar Kambona left Tanzania with his wife and children and went into "self-imposed" exile in London.
It was first reported that he sneaked out of the country and drove all the way to Nairobi, Kenya, a neighbouring country. But it is highly unlikely that the members of the Tanzania's intelligence service were not aware of his departure. The government simply let him go. They could have stopped him, and could even have arrested him, if they wanted to.
After he left and when his departure was reported in Tanzania's newspapers and on the radio, President Nyerere himself at a public rally in Dar es Salaam, the capital, talked about Kambona and said "Let him go." He also said Kambona left with a lot of money and wondered how he got all that money which did not match his salary.
There were rumours that one of the ways he enriched himself when he was in office was by taking some of the money which was intended to go to the liberation movements based in Tanzania.
He was during that period also chairman of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) Liberation Committee overseeing liberation movements based in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, in addition to his ministerial position as minister of external affairs.
The allegations that he misappropriated some of the funds intended for the liberation struggle in Southern Africa, and got more money from other sources illegally or by unscrupulous means, was repeated on 12 January 1968, when President Nyerere challenged Oscar Kambona to return to Tanzania and testify before a judicial commission that he had not deposited large sums of money in his account, and explain where he got it from since it far exceeded his salary.
Kambona responded to the allegations by requesting the Tanzanian government in a press conference in London in 1968 to hold a public investigation into his personal wealth and publish the findings. The government did not do that.
It is also highly unlikely that Kambona misappropriated wealth since he spent most of his life in exile living in subsidised council housing for poor income families.
Tony Laurence, in his book The Dar Mutiny of 1964 published by Book Guild Publishing, states that, fearing for his life, Kambona went to live in exile in Britain without any financial support and took a number of low-paying jobs to support himself and his family. Yet, during all that time, Kambona conducted himself with dignity, and with a sense of humour in spite of the hardship, and was a friend of other people also living in exile. Some of them were in a better financial position than he was.
Nyerere's challenge to Kambona, asking him to account for his money, was reported in Tanzania's newspapers and by Radio Tanzania Dar es Salaam (RTD) during that time. It has also been documented by Jacqueline Audrey Kalley in her voluminous work, Southern African Political History: A Chronology of Key Political Events from Independence to Mid-1997.
There was also disagreement on the way Kambona's exile was described.
Reports in Tanzania said he went into "self-imposed" exile but, to Kambona and his supporters as well as other observers, he was forced to leave Tanzania because he had fallen out with Nyerere and did not feel that he would be safe or lead a normal life in a hostile political climate.
Speculation that he may have been in imminent danger just before he left was somewhat confirmed when his house in Magomeni, Dar es Salaam, was destroyed by the security forces and the soldiers of the Tanzania People's Defence Forces (TPDF) although not demolished. The destruction is shown in a photograph on the web site of the Kambona Foundation.
The destruction of the house, after Kambona left, seemed to have been some kind of warning or simply a scare tactic and it probably achieved its purpose, especially with regard to Kambona's supporters in Tanzania. It probably meant, "this is what we have in store for you," or "this is what you are going to get," if you continue to support Kambona. And "this is what would have happened to him had he stayed."
That may be just one of the interpretations - why his house was destroyed. There may be other interpretations of the government's motives for sanctioning that.
But fear for his security and freedom was real, further confirmed when his two younger brothers, Mattiya Kambona and Otini Kambona, were arrested around the same time he fled to London. They were detained for many years until President Nyerere released them.
From his sanctuary in London, Oscar Kambona became a bitter critic and opponent of President Nyerere and his policies.
He was even invited by the Nigerian military government of Yakubu Gowon in June 1968 to go and lecture in Nigeria after Tanzania recognised Biafra (the first country to do so in April that year), thus infuriating Nigerian leaders for supporting the secession of the Eastern Region of the Nigerian Federation.
During his lecture tour of Nigeria in June 1968, Kambona denounced Nyerere as a dictator and accused the Tanzanian government of supplying weapons to Biafra.
In a lecture in Lagos on 14 June 1968, he also said weapons and ammunition sent to Tanzania for the Zimbabwe African People's Union (ZAPU) freedom fighters had been diverted by Nyerere and sent to Biafra; and went on to say that Tanzania's recognition of Biafra as a sovereign nation had damaged the country's reputation in Africa and elsewhere.
Tanzania recognised Biafra for moral reasons because of the refusal and unwillingness of the local and the federal authorities to stop the massacre of Igbos and other Easterners in Northern Nigeria and other parts of the country, but especially in the North.
Nigerian leaders were also quick to remind Nyerere that it was Nigerian troops who had saved him and provided security and defence for Tanganyika after the army mutiny in Tanganyika in 1964 when Nyerere appealed to fellow Africans for troops to temporarily provide defence while the Tanganyikan government was building a new army. Nigeria, under the leadership of President Nnamdi Azikiwe and Prime Minister Tafawa Balewa, immediately responded to Nyerere's request.
Kambona was also quick to remind his listeners in Nigeria, and even in Britain where lived, that it was he who calmed down the soldiers when they mutinied while President Nyerere and Vice President Kawawa went into hiding, "in a grass hut," as he put it.

Coup Leader

Not long after Kambona got ample publicity during his lecture tour of Nigeria in 1968 denouncing Nyerere, he was again in the news in Tanzania and other African countries and elsewhere. He was accused of masterminding a coup attempt to overthrow Nyerere¹.
The coup was to take place in October 1969. But all the alleged conspirators were arrested before the fateful date, except Kambona who was living in London.
The alleged plotters were charged with treason. The chief witness for the prosecution was Potlako Leballo, president of the Pan-Africanist Congress (PAC), a South African liberation group based in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. Leballo took over the leadership of the organisation after its first president, Mangaliso Roberto Sobukwe, were imprisoned by the apartheid regime.
Leballo had gained the confidence of the coup plotters while he was working for Tanzania's intelligence service. His testimony proved critical in securirng a conviction of the accused during the treason trial presided over by Chief Justice Phillip Telfer Georges, a Trinidadian. The leading government attorney, besides Attorney-General Mark Bomani, was Nathaniel King, also from Trinidad.
Kambona was the first accused and was charged in absentia.
There were reports that he would be extradited to Tanzania but he never was. The Tanzanian government did not seek his extradition. It is also highly unlikely that the British government would have sent him back to Tanzania even if the two countries had an extradition treaty.
And since he did not appear in court during the treason trial, he was not convicted. He could not have been convicted in a fair trial without himself being there to defend himself.
During the trial, prosecuting attorney, Nathaniel King, said the coup plotters also intended to assassinate President Nyerere. He asked one of the accused, John Lifa Chipaka, what he meant when he said - in their secret communications obtained by the Tanzania intelligence service - they were going "to eliminate" Nyerere. Chipaka responded by saying, "Eliminate him politically, not physically."
Chief Justice Phillip Telfer Georges asked him the same question and was not convinced that Chipaka was telling the truth.
Also the Chief Justice said the list of names found on the younger brother of John Chipaka, Eliya Dunstan Chipaka who was a captain, was not the kind of list one would expect to be a list of guests invited to a wedding. It was a list of army officers, potential participants in the planned coup, who were going to be approached or had already been approached by the conspirators to see if they could take part in the plot to overthrow the government. The list included officers from both sides of the union: Tanzania mainland and Zanzibar.
The Chipaka brothers were cousins of Oscar Kambona.
The court proceedings were reported in the newspapers and on the radio and they were open to the public. The records of those proceedidngs can be obtained from different sources, including newspapers from that period, and many documented works. They quote what the accused, the prosecuting attorneys, and the chief justice said during the trial.
The transcript of the court proceedings, reported in Tanzanian newspapers and elsewhere, is also reproduced in Godfrey Mwakikagile, Nyerere and Africa: End of an Era.
While his co-conspirators were languishing in prison after being convicted of treason, Oscar Kambona continued to criticise Nyerere from his safe haven in London through the years, while nurturing ambitions to return into the political arena in his home country where he once was a bright star in the 1960s before he fled to London.

Return of the "prodigal son"

It was not until 1992 after Tanzania adopted multiparty democracy that Kambona returned to lead one of the opposition parties after 25 years living in exile. He was the most prominent figure on the opposition side during that time after he returned to his home country.
And he was in a combative mood. Even before he left London, he challenged the Tanzanian government to arrest him on his arrival in Tanzania, vowing that he was returning to Tanzania regardless of consequences and to clear his name before the people of Tanzania . He was not arrested.
But that was not the end of his ordeal.

The beginning of the end

A campaign by the government was started to vilify him again. First was the claim that he was not a citizen of Tanzania and had never been one even though he had served as the country's minister of home affairs, minister of defence, and minister of foreign affairs, and even led the struggle for independence with Nyerere in the 1950s.
Yet nothing was said in all those years that he was not a citizen of Tanganyika. It was only decades later, in the 1990s, that the government said he was not a Tanzanian but a Malawian. Others said he was a Mozambican.
The government even withdrew his passport on the same grounds that he was not a Tanzanian citizen. He could not even travel outside the country after his passport was withdrawn.
The vilification campaign against him by the Tanzanian government made the government look bad and it finally relented and gave the passport back to him.
Kambona himself had his own "revelations" concerning the national identities of other Tanzanian leaders including President Nyerere himself. He said Nyerere's father was a Tutsi from Rwanda who was a porter for the Germans and settled in Tanganyika and that he could prove it.
He also said Vice President Rashid Kawawa came from Mozambique, and John Malecela - who once served as Tanzania's foreign affairs minister, prime minister and vice president among other posts at different times - came from Congo where his grandparents were captured as slaves before they settled in Dodoma, central Tanzania.
But few people took any of those claims seriously anymore than they did the claim that Kambona himself was not a Tanzanian citizen but a Malawian, from Likoma Island, or a Mozambican.
When Kambona returned to Tanzania, he also promised that he would tell the public how much money President Nyerere and Vice President Kawawa had stolen through the years and where they hid it.
Many people were anxious to hear that. But when he addressed a mass rally in Dar es Salaam, he had nothing to say about the money he claimed President Nyerere and Vice president Kawawa stole. And many people were disappointed. It also cost him credibility among many people who believed that he simply did not tell the truth and had nothing to say about Nyerere and Kawawa with regard to their "misappropriation" of public funds.

End of his life

Kambona was indeed a luminary in Tanzanian politics. But he was no longer the star he once was, when he was second only to Nyerere in influence and popularity in the sixties when many people even copied his hair style, which came to be known as "Kambona style."
He died in London in July 1997, almost exactly 30 years after he first went into exile in Britain in July 1967 where he lived for 25 years before returning to his home country in 1992 to spend the last few years of his life.
Despite his political misfortunes, Oscar Kambona will always be remembered as one of the most prominent leaders of Tanzania who also played a leading role in the struggle for independence and who relentlessly campaigned for the adoption of multiparty democracy in Tanzania. But he will also always be remembered as the most prominent Tanzanian leader who tried to overthrow President Julius Nyerere.
It is, of course, anybody's guess how he would have been, as a leader, had he become president of Tanzania. Even his most bitter opponents can not prove he would have been a bad leader. He could have been one of the best presidents Tanzania ever had. We will never know. Or to put it another way, Oscar Kambona was one of the best presidents Tanzania never had.
And it is very much possible that under his leadership, Tanzania's economy would probably not have suffered as much as it did under Nyerere during his years of socialist rule. Socialism ruined Tanzania's economy and Kambona was opposed to socialism right from the beginning, although many Tanzanians believed that Nyerere meant well but pursued the wrong policies.
Even Kambona himself probably believed that Nyerere meant well but pursued the wrong policies and that the country would have done better had Nyerere and his colleagues been willing to listen to those who had different views on how the country should be run.
Today, Tanzania is pursuing free-market policies after renouncing socialism, and has adopted multiparty democracy, the same policies and kind of political system Kambona had advocated all along.
He has probably been vindicated by history.
Both Nyerere and Kambona served their country well at different times. They also made mistakes. And both will be judged by history.

References

• Godfrey Mwakikagile, chapter 13, "Coup Attempts Against President Julius Nyerere and Reflections on Coup Leader Oscar Kambona by Andrew Nyerere," in his book Nyerere and Africa: End of an Era, 2nd Edition (Las Vegas, Nevada: Protea Publishing Co., 2005), pp. 359 – 377.

The book covers extensively the 1970 treason trial in which Oscar Kambona was implicated as the ring leader. The trial was open to the public.
The author has also addressed the army mutiny of 1964 in Tanganyika among many other subjects.

• Jacqueline Audrey Kalley, Southern African Political History: A Chronology of Key Political Events from Independence to Mid-1997 (Greenwood Press, 1999), p. 594, where she says President Julius Nyerere challenged Oscar Kambona to return to Tanzania and testify before a judicial commission that he had not deposited large sums of money in his account.

• "Bibi Titi and the Treason Trial of 1970," in The East African, Nairobi, Kenya, 10 November - 16 November 1999.

• Adam Seftel and Annie Smyth, editors, Tanzania: The Story of Julius Nyerere, Mkuki na Nyota Publishers, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, and Fountain Publishers, Kampala, Uganda.

• Kambona Foundation, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania.

Kambona and Nyerere remained political enemies until the end of their lives. When Kambona died in July 1997, Nyerere did not even attend his funeral. But his son Andrew Nyerere did, as he stated in his correspondence with Godfrey Mwakikagile, quoted in Mwakikagile's book, Nyerere and Africa: End of an Era. See Andrew Nyerere's letter in chapter 13 of the book, p. 365.

Israel na Mkristo

HOJA MPYA YA ASKOFU GAMANYWA--MAHUSIANO YA KIIMANI KATI YA MKRISTO NA TAIFA LA ISRAELI (SEHEMU YA 1)

Askofu Sylvester Gamanywa,Rais wa WAPO MISSION INTERNATIONAL.

      

Hivi karibuni nimetangaza mkakati maalum wa kuongoza misafara ya kuzulu Israeli. Misafara hii nimeipa jina la “ziara za kinabii katika Israeli”. Ziara ya kwanza itafanyika tarehe 9/7/2012 na itakuwa ya siku 12. Kwa kuwa ninafahamu kwamba, kuna utata wa kitheolojia uliochanganyikana na itikadi za kisiasa, nimeona niilete mada hii ili kutoa elimu sahihi, kuhusu “mahusiano ya kiima yaliyopo kati ya Mkristo na taifa la Israeli. Katika mada hii nakusudia kusimulia kwa ufupi historia ya maagano ya Mungu kwa Israeli na jinsi maaganoo hayo yanavyomgusa kiimani kila ajiitaye Mkristo, mpaka uchambuzi wa kiini cha utata wa kitheolojia kinachosababisha baadhi ya wakristo wasijue umuhimu wa kulinda  mahusiano ya kiimani kati ya na Israeli. Kwa leo nitaanza na historia fupi kuhusu maagano ya Mungu kwa Israeli na utendaji wake kiimani kwa mkristo halisi:

Agano La Mungu Kwa Ibrahimu

Japokuwa kihistoria katika Biblia kuhusu  maagano ilianza kwa Adamu na kisha kwa Nuhu. Tunapochunguza uzito wa maagano kati ya Mungu na binadamu, tunakuta unakuwa na uzito wa pekee kuanzia maisha ya mtu aliyeitwa Ibrahimu. Mungu anajieleza kwa Ibrahimu akimtabiria mambo makubwa yanayomhusu yeye binafsi na vizazi vyake vitakavyofuata baada yake. Tunapochunguza mchakato wa agano la Mungu kwa Ibrahimu tunakuta unaanza na wito, unafuatiwa na kiapo na utabiri wa mambo yajayo kwa uzao wa Ibrahimu:

1.       Wito wa Mungu kwa Ibrahimu

Historia ya Agano la Mungu kwa Ibrahimu inaanza ni wito maalum wa kutoka katika nchi yake, katika jamaa zake, na kuhamia katika nchi mpya ambayo angeoneshwa na Mungu mwenyewe.  Mungu anatoa ahadi maalum kwa Ibrahimu zitakazotokana na utii na uaminifu wake mbele za Mungu.

“Bwana akamwambia Abramu, toka wewe katika nchi yako, na jamaa zako, na nyumba ya baba yako, uende mpka nchi nitakayokuonyesha; name nitakufanya wewe kuwa taifa kubwa, na kukubariki, na kuliza jina lako; nawe uwe Baraka; name nitawabariki wakubarikio, naye akulaaniye nitamlaani; na katika wewe jamaa zote za dunia watabarikiwa.” (Mw.12:1-3)

Ukilisoma kwa  makini agano hili utagundua mambo muhimu matatu ambayo ni ahadi maalum zisizo na masharti ambazo Mungu alizitoa kwa Ibrahimu. La kwanza, ahadi ya nchi, pili ni ahadi ya uzao, na tatu ahadi ya Baraka.

2.       Kiapo cha Mungu cha agano na Ibrahimu

Baada ya Ibrahimu kutii wito na kuondoka nyumbani kwa baba yake na jamaa zake, wakati ameingia katika nchi ambayo Mungu alikuwa amekusudia kumpa, aliwasiliana naye ili kumhakikishia uaminifu wa ahadi zake. Ibrahimu aliomba ushahidi wa utumilifu wa ahadi za Mungu, na ndipo Mungu akaagiza dhabibu zitolewe ili wafanye agano:

“Kisha akamwambia, Mimi ni BWANA, niliyekuleta kutoka Uru wa Wakaldayo nikupe nchi hii ili uirithi. Akasema ee Bwana MUNGU, nipateje kujua ya kwamba nitairithi? Akamwambia, unipatie ndama wa miaka mitatu, na mbuzi mke wa miaka mitatu, na kondoo mume wa miaka mitatu, na hua na mwana wa njia. Akampatia hao wote, akawapasua vipande viwili, akaweka kila kipande kuelekea mwenzake, ila ndege hakuwapasua” (Mw.15:7-10)

Maandiko haya yashuhudia mchakato wa agano ulivyokuwa na ukihusisha kutoa dhabihu ya damu ya wanyama ambayo ni ishara kuwa ahadi zilizotolewa kulingana dhabihu lazima zitazimizwa.

Kimsingi, utaratibu wa agano hili ulikuwa ni lazima watu wawili wanaofanya agano wapiti katikati ya vipande viwili vilivyopasuliwa ikiwa ni ishara ya kila mmoja kujitoa mhanga wa kushika agano husika. Lakini katika mazingira haya, Mungu akitaka kuonyesha kuwa hili lilikuwa ni “agano lisilo na masharti” hakumruhusu Ibrahimu kupita katikati ya dhabihu. Badala yake tunasoma kwamba Mungu peke yake kwa ishara ya moto aliamua mwenyewe kupita katikati ya dhabihu hiyo: 

“Ikawa, jua lilipokuchwa ikawa giza, tazama, tanuru ya moshi na mwenge unaowaka  ulipita kati ya vile vipande vya nyama. Siku ile BWANA akafanya agano na Abramu, akasema, uzao wako nimewapa nchi hii, kutoka mto wa Misri mpaka huo mto Frati, Mkeni, na Mkenizi, na Mkadmoni, na Mhiti, na Mperizi, na Mrefai, na Mwamori, na Mkanaani, na Mgirgashi, na Myebusi.” (Mw.15:18-21)

3.       Ukomo wa Agano la Mungu kwa Ibrahimu

Aina ya agano la Mungu linaonesha kwamba ni la kudumu. Mungu alimhakikishia kwamba hilo litakuwa ni agano la milele, kutoka vizazi hadi vizazi vijavyo na halitabadilika wala kufikia ukomo. Mojawapo ya mambo ambayo ni ya kudumu ni “haki ya umilikaji” wa nchi ya Kanaani:

“Agano langu nitalifanya imara kati ya mimi na wewe, na uzao wako baada yako, na vizazi vyao, kuwa agano la milele, kwamba nitakuwa Mungu kwako na kwa uzao wako baada yako. Nami nitakupa wewe na uzao wako baada yako nchi hii unayoikaa ugeni, nchi yote ya Kanaani, kuwa miliki la milele; name nitakuwa Mungu wao” (Mw.17:7-8)

4.       Mapito yajayo ya uzao wa Ibrahimu

Pamoja na kwamba, agano la Mungu kwa Ibrahimu halikuwa na masharti ya kumwajibisha, lakini liliweka bayana kuhusu mapito ambayo uzao wake utapitia.

Biblia ilitabiri kabla kwamba wa Ibrahimu ungelijikuta utumwani kwa kipindi cha miaka mia nne. Lakini baada ya hapo Mungu angekumbuka ahadi yakwe kwa Irahimu na kwenda kuwakomboa ili kuwaleta katika nchi aliyomwonyesha:

“BWANA akamwambia Abramu, ujue hakika ya kwamba uzao wako utakuwa mgeni katika nchi isiyo yake, watawatumikia watu wale, nao watateswa muda wa miaka mia nne. Hata na taifa lile watakaowatumikia, nitawahukumu; baadaye watatoka na mali nyingi. Lakini wewe utakwenda kwa baba zako kwa amani, utazikwa kwa uzee mwema. Na kizazi cha nne kitarudi hapa, maana haujatimia uovu wa Waamori bado.” (Mw.15:13-16)

Agano La Mungu Kwa Isaka

Wakati Mungu alipokuwa akiweka agano na Ibrahimu, bado alikuwa hana watoto wa kuwazaa mwenyewe. Siku moja Mungu alimhakikisha kwamba atampa mtoto wa kurithi agano la ahadi. Katika mahangaiko ya kibinadamu Sara alimshauri Ibrahimu amchukue Hajiri mjakazi ili ajipatie mtoto kupitia yeye.. Katika zoezi hilo akapatika mtoto wa kiume aliyeitwa Ishmael.

Wakati Mungu alipomtokea ili kuimarisha agano lake, Ibrahimu alimpendekeza Ishmael kuwa apokee mbaraka wa agano la ahadi kwa ajili ya vizazi vijavyo. Biblia imeandika msimamo wa Mungu kwa Ibrahimu kuhusu mtoto atakayekuwa mrithi wa agano la ahadi. Mungu hakumteua Ishmaeli akubeba wajibu huo maalum: Badala yake alipendekeza habari za urithi huo utatwaliwa na nani:

“Ibrahimu akamwambia Mungu,, lau kwamba Ishmaeli angeishi mbele yako. Mungu akasema sivyo, lakini Sara mkeo atakuzalia mwana wa kiume, nawe utamwita jina lake Isaka. Nami nitafanya agano langu imara kwake kuwa agano la milele kwa ajili ya uzao wake baada yake. (MW.17:18-19)

Pamoja na kwamba Mungu hakumteua Ishmael kuwa mrithi wa agano la ahadi, lakini pia hakumtelekeza kabisa. Mungu alimpatia Ishmael mbaraka wake maalum ambao unadhihirisha kwamba yeye naye kabarikiwa na Mungu.

“Na kwa habari za Ishmaeli nimekusikia, nimembariki, nitamzidisha,  nami nitamwongeza san asana. Atazaa maseyidi kumi na wawili, nami nitamfanya awe taifa kuu. Bali agano langu nitalifanya imara kwa Isaka, ambaye Sara atakuzalia majira kama haya mwaka ujao.” (Mw.17:20-21)

Kikapita kipindi cha mwaka ndipo Isaka akazaliwa. Hapo katikati yalipita mengi  lakini Biblia imeandika kwamba ulipofika wakati Ibrahimu kugawa urithi wake alitii agizo la Mungu akampa Isaka yote aliyokuwa nayo:

“Ibrahimu akampa Isaka yote aliyokuwa nayo. Lakini wana wa Masuria aliokuwa nao Ibrahimu, Ibrahimu akawapa zawadi, naye akawaondoa katika mahali alipokaa Isaka mwanawe, wakati wa uhai wake, waende pande za mashariki, mpaka nchi ya Kedemu.” (Mw.25:5-6)

Mwisho tunashuhudia Mungu akiwasiliana na Isaka moja kwa moja ili kulifanya imara agano lile alilolirithi kutoka kwa Baba yake:

“Ikawa njaa katika nchi hiyo, mbali na njaa ile ya kwanza iliyokuwa siku za Ibrahimu. Isaka akamwendea Abimeleki, mfalme wa Wafilisti, huko Gerari. BWANA akamtokea, akasema, usishuke kwenda Misri, kaa katika nchi nitakayokuambia. Kaa ugenini katika nchi hiyo, name nitakuwa pamoja nawe, na kukubariki, maana nitakupa wewe na uzao wako nchi hizi zote. Nami nitakifanya imara kiapo nilichomwapia Ibrahimu baba yako. Nitazidisha uzao wako nchi hizi zote, na katika uzao wako mataifa yote ya dunia watajibarikia. Kwa sababu Ibrahimu alisikiai sauti yangu, akayahifadi maagizo yangu, na amri zangu, na hukumu zangu, na sheria zangu.” (Mw.26:1-5)

Agano La Mungu Kwa Yakobo

Historia ya Biblia imeandika jinsi ambavyo, Mungu alikuwa makini sana katika kuhakikisha anateua mtu anayestahili kurithi agano la ahadi alilofaanya na Ibrahimu. Tumekwisha kuona jinsi alivyomteua Isaka badala ya Ishmaeli. Sasa tunamkuta Mungu akiwa makini katika uteuzi wake.

Isaka alizaa watoto wawili wa kiume mapacha. Esau na Yakobo. Aliyetangulia kuzaliwa ni Esau lakini akifuatiwa na Yakobo akiwa ameshika kisigino cha Esau.

“Siku zake za kuzaa zilipotimia, tazama! Mapacha walikuwamo tumboni mwake. Wa kwanza akatoka, naye alikuwa mwekundu mwili wote kama vazi la nywele. Wakamwita jina lake Esau. Baadaye ndugu yake akatoka, na mkono wake umashika Esau kisigino. Akaitwa jina lake Yakobo. Isaka alikuwa mwenye miaka sitini mkewe alipowazaa.” (Mw.25:24-24)

Historia ya Biblia inaendelea kusimulia jinsi ambavyo mapacha hawa walikuwa na mambo kibinadamu yalitafsiriwa kuwa ujanja lakini yamadhihirisha kuwa ulikuwa ni ushindani wa kiimani, tena mabao Mungu aliufuatilia kwa karibu mpaka mwisho.

Jambo la kwanza, Yakobo kununua haki ya mzaliwa wa kwanza:

“Yakobo akapika chakula cha dengu. Esau akaja kutoka nyikani naye alikuwa amechoka sana. Esau akamwambia Yakobo tafadhali nipe hicho chakula chekundu nile, kwa kuwa ninazimia mimi. Kwa hiyo walimwita jina lake Edomu. Yakobo akamwambia, kwanza niuzie leo haki yako ya mzaliwa wa kwanza. Esau akasema, tazama, mimi ni karibu na kufa, itanifaa nini haki hii ya uzazi? Yakobo akamwambia, uniapie kwanza. Naye akamwapia, akamwuzia Yakobo haki yake ya mzaliwa wa kwanza. Yakobo akampa Esau mkate na chakula cha dengu, naye akala, akanywa, kisha akaondoka, akaenda zake. Hivyo Esau akaidharau haki yake y amzaliwa wa kwanza.” (Mw.25:29-34)

Tukio la pili la aina yake ni pale ambapo Isaka alitaka kurithisha agano la ahadi kwa mtoto wake wa kwanza mbaye ni Esau. Inavyoonesha lile tendo la Esau kumuuzia Yakobo haki ya mzaliwa wa kwanza hazikuwahi kumfikia Isaka.

Lakini mkewe Rebeka tangu wakati akiwa mjamzito wa mapacha ya Esau na Yakobo alipata shida mpaka mimba hiyo mpaka akamwomba Mungu kuhusu hali hiyo. Na Mungu hakusita alimjibu kuhusu mambo yatakayowapata watoto atakaowazaa:

“Watoto wakashindana tumboni mwake. Naye akasema, Ikiwa ni hivi, kuishi kwanifaa nini? Akaenda kumwuliza BWANA.  BWANA akamwambia, Mataifa mawili yako tumboni mwako, Na kabila mbili za watu watafarakana tangu tumboni mwako. Kabila moja litakuwa hodari kuliko la pili, Na mkubwa atamtumikia mdogo. “(MWA. 25:22, 23)

Hapa tunahitaji kuzingatia mambo ya msingi yafuatayo. Kwanza, Rebeka alijua tangu kuzaliwa kwa Esau na Yakobo ni nani atachukua nafasi ya urithi wa Agano la ahadi. Haijulikani kama Rebeka alimwabia Yakobo siri hii au la. Pili, tukumbuke kwamba kisheria, Esau alikwisha kuipoteza haki ya mzaliwa wa kwanza kwa Yakobo. Lakini naye aliamua kupuuza. Yakobo aliamini kwamba kisheria yeye ndiye mzaliwa wa kwanza badala ya Esau, japokuwa baba yake Isaka hajui yote hayo.

Watafsiri wengine wa maandiko wanadhani kwamba Yakobo na mama yake wote waliijua siri hii ya nani anastahili kupokea mbaraka wa mzaliwa wa kwanza. Ndiyo maana hoja haikuwa kwa nini wanafanya hila, bali hofu ya kugundulika kwa hila yenyewe kabla na Isaka.

Biblia haikuficha ukweli wa suala zima badala yake imeandika jinsi mbinu ilivyofanyika baada ya Esau kwenda kuwinda mnyama wa kumwandalia Isaka chakula; huku nyuma mama yake Yakobo akamwandalia mwanawe chakula ili awahi kumpelekea Isaka kabla Esau hajarudi.

Zoezi hilo lilifanikiwa. Yakobo akawasilisha chakula kwa Isaka baba yake, na baada ya mahojiano mengi, hatimaye Isaka akaachilia mbaraka wa mzaliwa wa kwanza kwa Yakobo badala ya Esau:

“Akakaribia akambusu. Naye akasikia harufu ya mavazi yake, akambariki akasema, Tazama, harufu ya mwanangu. Ni kama harufu ya shamba alilolibariki Bwana. Mungu na akupe ya umande wa mbingu, Na ya manono ya nchi, Na wingi wa nafaka na mvinyo. Mataifa na wakutumikie, Na makabila wakusujudie, Uwe bwana wa ndugu zako, Na wana wa mama yako na wakusujudie. Atakayekulaani alaaniwe, Na atakayekubariki abarikiwe. (MWA. 27:27-29)

Maswali magumu yameulizwa kuhusiana na tukio hili. Je! Mungu aliridhia mbaraka huu ambao mtoaji hakuwa anajua anambariki nani? Kama ndiyo, je! Mungu naye ameshiriki kubariki hila ili mbaraka uende kwa asiyehusika?  Kumbuka maswali haya yanamhusu Mungu moja kwa moja, na vile ambavyo alilichukulia tukio hili.

Lakini kama tulivyokwisha kusoma huko nyuma, Biblia inaweka wazi msimamo wa Mungu tangu mwanzo kuhusu suala hili. Pamoja na kwamba, mchakatp mzima wa Yakobo kuupata mbaraka umejaa utata mtupu mbele za Mungu; kinachozingatiwa ni kile kilichokwisha kutabiriwa na Mungu mwenyewe kabla ya kuzaliwa kwa wahusika. Isitoshe, Mungu aliridhia Yakobo kupokea mbaraka huo sio kwa ujanja uliotumika, bali kwa sababu alikwisha kustahili kwa mujibu wa sheria. 

“Wala si hivyo tu, lakini Rebeka naye, akisha kuchukua mimba kwa mume mmoja, naye ni Isaka, baba yetu, (kwa maana kabla hawajazaliwa wale watoto, wala hawajatenda neno jema wala baya, ili lisimame kusudi la Mungu la kuchagua, si kwa sababu ya matendo bali kwa sababu ya nia yake aitaye,) aliambiwa hivi mkubwa atamtumikia mdogo.” (Rum.9:10-12)

Biblia pia imeandika yote yaliyojiri baada ya Esau kurudi na kukuta tayari Yakobo ameshateka mbaraka!  Biblia pia inasimulia jinsi Isaka alivyoshtuka baada ya kugundua aliyechukua mbaraka ni Yakobo na si Esau aliyemkusudia tangu mwanzo. Hata hivyo, Isaka alikuja kumsamehe Yakobo na kuamua kwa hiari kumbariki rasmi:

“Basi Isaka akamwita Yakobo, akambariki, akamwagiza akamwambia, Usitwae mke wa binti za Kanaani.  Na Mungu Mwenyezi, akubariki, akuzidishe, na kukuongeza, ili uwe mkutano wa makabila.  Akupe mbaraka wa Ibrahimu, wewe na uzao wako pamoja nawe, upate kuirithi nchi ya kusafiri kwako, Mungu aliyompa Ibrahimu.” (MWA. 28:1-4)

Hii kwa chanzo cha Gospel Kitaa.blogspot.com

MAAZIMIO YA KIKAO CHA CASETA UYOLE VETERANS(CUV)

Bwana asifiwe. 

Wapendwa, kwanza nawashukuru tena kwa namna mlivyoshiriki kwa ajili ya ufanikisha ibada na kikao cha leo Uyole Sekondari.

Ninayo furaha kuwataarifu Ex CASFETA wa Uyole Sekondari maarufu kama CASFETA UYOLE VETERANS(CUV) kuwa kama tulivyopanga tumekutana leo na kushiriki ibada kuanzia saa 12:30-14:20 na pia tukamekaa kikao na kidato cha nne na viongozi wa tawi .

Kikao cha CUV kimeudhuriwa na wanachama wauatao;

1. Upendo Malle

2. Martha

3. Peter Kapagi

4. Elly Mangula

5. Abner Zephania

6. Ikupa Mwakaje

7. Sunny Michael

Waliotoa udhuru ni;

1. Edmund Mbwaga

2. Xaveria Jonas

Waliopo vyuoni na kutoa udhuru

3. Emmanuel Nasson

4. Catherene Vicent

5. Tulipo Asangalwisye

6. Shadrack Mwakyusa.

MAAZIMIO

tumekubaliana kuwa;

CUV kiwe chombo muhimu kutukutanisha wanaCASFETA wote tuliwahi kusoma shule ya sekondari Uyole na ambacho kitatusaidia kutuunganisha ili kuhudumiana katika mambo mbalimbali ya kiroho na kijamii na matukio muhimu katika maisha kama

-Masuala ya harusi 

- ushauri katika masuala ya kiroho na kutiana nguvu kwa habari ya safari ya mbinguni.

-Kusadiana katika masuala ya kielimu kwa kuwa ni chombo kwa ajili ya yeyote aliyemaliza Uyole pasipo kujali kiwango cha elimu, kazi n.k

- kushauriana katika masuala ya kiuchumi yaani kazi, biashara na hata ujasiriamali

-Ni vema kila mwanaCUV akawa mjasiriamali endapo atakuwa ameajiriwa kazi katika sekta yoyote ili awe na uchumi safi  kwa ajili ya familia yake na kanisa.

- Kila mwanaCASFETA aliyemaliza Uyole lazma athibitishe anakuwa nguzo muhimu katika kanisa lake yaani atumike vizuri.

-CUV itakuwa sehemu muhimu kabisa ya kufanikisha mahafali ya kila mwaka ya CASFETA Uyole sekondari ili yawe mahaali bora kabisa na yenye nguvu.

 

Mambo ya kutekeleza

-Bwana atufanikishe kuwa watekelezaji wa maazimio ya chama

-Tutafute mawasiliano ya wanaCASFETA wenye sifa za kuwa CUV ili tuweze kuwtumia taarifa muhimu na kwa ajili ya mkutano mwingine tutakaopanga hapo baadaye.

mawasiliano yawe namba za simu, email n.k na yatumwe kwa 

Abner Zephania- 0765 316393

au tumia blog hii au email kakakapagi@gmail.com

Mwisho ni kuendelea kulea tawi letu la Uyole kila tupatapo nafasi na Bwana atatubariki.

 

Bwana akubariki kwa kazi njema ya huduma na umoja

CHAMA CHA KIJAMII (CCK)

HOTUBA YA UTAMBULISHO WA CHAMA KIPYA CHA SIASA NCHINI CHA CCK

Utangulizi na Shukrani Ndugu wanachama, Waandishi wa habari Na Watanzania wote Leo hii ile ndoto ambayo ilikataliwa kutimia miaka miwili hivi iliyopita hatimaye imetimia leo. Ndoto ya kuweza kuwapatia Watanzania chaguo tofauti la kisiasa nchini lenye kubeba matarajio yao sasa limetimia. Kutimia kwa ndoto hii leo hii ni mwanzo tu wa safari ndefu ya kisiasa kwa wengi wetu.

Ni safari mpya lakini iliyojaa matumaini. Hivyo, ninayofuraha kubwa kuwaambia wanachama wetu waliotuunga mkono kila kona ya nchi hadi kufikia hatua hii kuwa hatutawaangusha kwani tumedhamiria kuchukulia imani mliyoweka juu yetu kwa uzito mkubwa na unaostahili. Kufika hapa tulipofika leo ni juhudi za watu wengi sana ambao hata nikiamua kuwataja kwa majina sitowezakuwatendea wote haki.

Hata hivyo, nitangulishe shukrani za dhati kwa Ofisi ya Msajili wa Vyama vya Siasa nchini kwa ushirikiano ambao wametupatia hadi kufikia hapa. Wametusahihisha tulipokosea, wametuelekeza tulipotaka ushauri na wakati ulipofika wa wao kufanya usaili wamefanya usaili wa wanachama wetu nchi nzima kwa weledi wa hali ya juu na kujiridhisha kuwa CCK siyo chama cha utani, siyo chama cha msimu, bali ni chama ambacho kimekusudia kujikita na kuzama kabisa katika jamii ya Watanzania na kuwa kweli chama cha jamii hiyo.

Nawashukuru wanachama na viongozi wenzangu ambao wametumia muda mwingi kwa kujitolea kufanya kazi mbalimbali za chama huku wakijua nyuma yake kuna kubezwa, kejeli, kuonekana vibaraka n.k

Hawa wametambua nafasi ya pekee ambayo CCK itakuja kufanya na hivyo waliamua kwa moyo wote kujitolea muda, vipaji na raslimali mbalimbali ili kuweza kufanikisha zoezi zima la kuwez akupata usajili wa kudumu. Ninawashukuru sana. Zaidi hata hivyo nawashukuru wanachama, mashabiki na wapenzi wetu ambao wamekuwa wakitutia moyo na kusimama pamoja nasi japo msukumo wa kutaka kukata tama ulipokuwa mkubwa hasa baada yale ambayo yalitokea katika mwaka wa 2010 ambao wananchi wengi wanajua.

Kutokana na matokeo ya wakati ule tulijifunza kitu kimoja kikubwa kwamba chama ni lazima kitoke kwa wanachama wenyewe. Hivyo, hiki ni chama cha wanachama, chama cha Watanzania.

1. Utambulisho wa CCK na Viongozi wake Napenda kutumia nafasi hii basi kuwatambulisha baadhi ya viongozi wa muda wa CCK ambao nimeambatana nao hapa ili kuweza kuuonesha umma kuwa chama chetu kimejipanga kuweza kujijenga kama chama cha siasa. Nitaanzia upande wangu wa kulia na kuwatambulisha kwenu viongozi hawa:

2. Kwanini kimeanzishwa na kwanini kiitwe jina hilo Ndugu waandishi na wanachama, Swali kubwa ambalo bila ya shaka linahitaji jibu la moja kwa moja ni kwanini chama kingine kimeanzishwa Tanzania mahali ambapo tayari kuna vyama vingi vya kisiasa?

Swali hili ni swali ambalo litaulizwa labda zaidi na wanachama wa vyama vingine vya upinzani ambao wanaamini kabisa kuwa tayari kuna vyama vya kutosha vya upinzani na hivyo kuja kwa chama kingine cha upinzani itakuwa ni tishio kwa vyama hivyo vingine. Naomba nitoe sababu kubwa tatu tu za kwanini CCK kimeanzishwa na kwanini kinaitwa chama cha kijamii na siyo jina lolote jingine ambalo lingeweza kuonekana la kifahari fahari hivi. i. Hakuna chama kingine katika upinzani chenye msimamo kama wa kwetu.

Kama kungekuwepo na chama kingine chochote ambacho kinawakilisha hata nusu tu ya msimamo wa CCK tusingekuwa na sababu ya kuanzisha chama kingine lakini baada ya kupitia siasa za vyama vyote vya upinzani na kuona vyama hivyo vinavyofanya siasa zao tumegundua kuwa hakuna chama chenye msimamo na mtazamo kama wa kwetu kwenye masuala mbalimbali. Hili nitalielezea kidogo kwenye itikadi ya chama. ii. Wapo Watanzania wengi ambao hawajaridhika na vyama vilivyopo sasa.

Tangu upinzani urudi nchini mwanzoni mwa miaka ya tisini wamekuwepo Watanzania ambao hawajaridhishwa na mapendekezo ya kisiasa ambayo yametolewa na vyama vya upinzani vilivyopo hadi hivi sasa. Hawa ndio wale ambao waliamua kususia uchaguzi au wamebakia ni wapiga kura wa kuangalia majina ya watu na siyo chama chenyewe.

Kwenye taifa la watu karibu milioni 45 ipo nafasi ya kutosha tu kwa chama cha kwetu ambacho kimekuja ili kuwapa wananchi hawa chaguo walilokuwa wakilisubiria kwa muda mrefu. iii. CCK inaitikia changamoto za kizazi kipya; kizazi cha milenia mpya. Vyama karibu vyote vilivyopo sasa vinaitikia wito wa kizazi cha zamani; kizazi kinachopita.

Lakini CCK inaitikia changamoto za kizazi kipya siyo kwa kusahau ya zamani au kubeza kizazi kilichopita bali tunataka kuuleta ujumbe wa kizazi kilichopita kilichounda taifa letu kwenye kizazi kipya. CCK inataka kupokea kijiti cha kupokezana kwa vizazi kutoka kwa wale waliotutangulia. Ni chama kilichoundwa na kuanzishwa na vijana lakini kikiwa kimejikita katika hekima na heshima ya wazee wetu. Tunaamini wazee wetu watatuunga mkono na vijana watakuwa nasi vile vile!

Kwanini kinaitwa chama cha Kijamii? Ndugu zangu, msingi wa mafanikio ya nchi yoyote ni msisitizo uliopo katika kuinua maisha ya jamii. Tunaamini kabisa kuwa sera zilizopo sasa zilizoundwa na CCM na serikali yake na hasa katika miaka kama ishirini iliyopita zimekuwa kinyume na jamii ya Watanzania. Tulipopata uhuru wazee wetu walitaka kuunda taifa “la jamii ya watu walio huru na sawa”. Miaka hamsini sasa baada ya uhuru jamii ya aina hiyo inazidi kutoweka nchini, na njozi hiyo ikiendelea kuwakimbia wengi. Watu walio “huru na sawa” wamebakia kuwa wachache zaidi tena ni wale wenye nguvu za fedha, siasa na nafasi!

Msisitizo wa kuipigania jamii yetu katika ujumla wake wote haupo tena. Hivyo CCK ni chama cha Kijamii kwa sababu msisitizo wa fikra zake, mwelekeo wa sera zake na maono ya uongozi wake ni kuijenga jamii ya kisasa ya Kitanzania. Jamii ambamo watu wake wote watajisikia ni sehemu ya taifa hili na ambapo wakubwa kwa wadogo, wanawake kwa wanaume, weusi na weupe, wa bara na visiwani wanafurahia matunda ya kuwa ndani ya taifa hilo.

Msisitizo wetu ni jamii yetu na sera zetu zitalenga katika kuonesha kuwa ni katika wingi wa tofauti zetu katika jamii yetu ndio utajiri wa taifa letu umefichika! Hiki ni chama cha jamii ya Watanzania! Siyo chama cha tunu fulani fulani tu za maisha! Ni chama cha Kijamii! Itikadi yake Itikadi ya CCK ni uhafidhina wa kijamii na kiuchumi.

Yaani, socio-economic conservatism. Itikadi hii msingi wake ni historia yetu kama taifa na kama jamii ya watu. Tunaamini kuwa tishio kubwa kabisa katika jamii yetu ni kuvunjwa vunjwa kwa familia ya Kiafrika na vile vile matumizi makubwa ya serikali kwenye mambo mengi ambayo kwa kweli serikali isingestahili kuwa inayafanya.

Hivyo, CCK ni chama ambacho kinataka kutetea na kuyahifadhi mambo ya msingi yanayoifanya jamii yetu kuwa ya Kiafrika katika ulimwengu wa kisasa na hasa kutetea na kulinda familia. Tunaamini kabisa kuwa sera zozote na mipango yoyote ya nchi ambayo haiweki mkazo katika kuipa nafuu na kuboresha maisha ya familia sera hizo ni za kutupwa mbali.

Kwa muda mrefu sasa nchi yetu imejiingiza kwenye sera zenye kutukuza kile kinachoitwa “soko” matokeo yake wakati wenye “soko” wakiendelea kufanya vizuri mamilioni ya familia za Watanzania wanaishi maisha ya wasiwasi wa kudumu. Hivyo, tunataka kupendekeza sera ambazo zitalenga kuinua maisha ya wananchi wetu na hivyo kuinua maisha ya familia.

Lakini haya yote yanahitaji uchumi wa kisasa. Uchumi ambao unajiendesha wenyewe kwa kiasi kikubwa na ambao unalindwa vizuri. Sera za sasa za CCM zimeshindwa kutengeneza uchumi wa kisasa na badala yake zimetengeneza uchumi ambao ni watu wachache wananufaika. Hatuwezi kujenga uchumi huo kama tutaendelea kuangalia nje ya Tanzania kwa kutafuta misaada na kukopa badala ya kuweka mkazo katika uzalishaji na ulaji wa ndani.

Hivyo, kinyume na vyama vingine vilivyopo tunatarajia kuwa chama ambacho kinahifadhi mambo ya msingi ya uchumi na kijamii huku kikihakisha tunajenga taifa la kisasa.

Katika kutengeneza itikadi hii mpya chama chetu kitachota pasipo haya wala kuomba radhi katika hazina ya hekima ya Baba wa Taifa Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere na kujifunza huku tukiboresha nadharia zake nyingi ambazo tunaamini ni msingi wa kujenga taifa la watu walio sawa na wenye kuheshimu utu wa watu wote.

HIvyo, tutapinga ubaguzi wa aina yoyote dhidi ya Mtanzania mwingine, tutapigania maadili bora ya viongozi na kuhakikisha kuwa misingi iliyiounda taifa letu ikiwemo kupigania umoja wa Afrika, usawa na haki vinasimamiwa tena. Hatutavumilia kauli za kibaguzi zitakapotolewa na kiongozi au taasisi yeyote; kama Mwalimu alivyosema “Tanzania ni ya wote, na Watanzania ni wote”

3. Malengo/maudhui yake Kwa ufupi malengo ya chama chetu ni kuboresha maisha ya jamii yetu kwa kutumia uwezo wote ambao tumejaliwa na Mwenyezi Mungu. Uwezo wa akili, maliasili, nguvu kazi na hazina mbalimbali tulizojaliwa. Katika kufikia malengo hayo tutashiriki katika siasa za nchi yetu na kusimamisha wagombea wanaotokana na wananchi wenyewe na ambao wataongozwa na misingi hii ya chama hiki kipya.

4. Hitimisho na jinsi chama kilivyopokewa na wananchi Baada ya matukio ya mwaka 2010 ambapo tulitambua kuwa baadhi ya watu waliotaka kuanzisha chama pamoja nasi walikuwa na lengo la kutaka madaraka tu na siyo kutumikia wananchi tuliamua toka wakati ule kutoshirikisha watu wanaoitwa “vigogo” isipokuwa wale tu ambao hawana mpango wa kutumia chama chetu kupata madaraka ya haraka.

Hivyo, CCK iliamua toka mapema kabisa kuwahusisha wananchi moja kwa moja na kwa ushawishi wa hoja na kuwaonesha kuwa yawezekana chaguo bora liko nje ya vile ambavyo watu wamevipokea au kuaminishwa kuwa ndio chaguo pekee.

Hivyo, tumetiwa moyo jinsi tulivyopokewa mikoani na vijijini ambapo watu walikaa chini kutusikiliza na kutupa nafasi ya kuwashawishi. Hatukutumia magazeti au vyombo vikubwa vya habari na badala yake tumeenda vijiji na miji ambapo tumekutana na wananchi ambao baada ya kutusikiliza wengi walikuwa wanatuambia maneno ya matumaini kuwa “hiki ndicho chama walichokuwa wanakisubiria”. Tunawashukuru wananchi hawa hasa wakulima na vijana ambao wamechoshwa na sera mbovu zilizoshindwa kuboresha maisha yao.

5. Mfumo wa siasa hapa nchini Mojawapo ya matatizo makubwa ambayo yanatusumbua sasa hivi nchini na ambayo athari zake zinatoka kizazi kimoja kwenda kingine ni mfumo wetu wa kisiasa nchini. CCK inaamini kuwa mfumo huu wa kisiasa umepitwa na wakati na hauendani kabisa na matamanio ya kujenga taifa la kidemokrasia. Baadhi ya vitu ambavyo tunaamini vimepitwa na wakati na ambavyo vinahitaji kuondolewa mapema zaidi ni suala la ruzuku kwa vyama vya siasa.

Mfumo wa ruzuku uliingizwa kwenye siasa zetu na CCM kwa ajili ya kutafuta njia rahisi ya kupora raslimali zetu na kujinufaisha kwa migongo ya Watanzania. Hakuna sababu wala ulazima wa chama cha siasa kupewa fedha za umma kwa sababu tu ina watu waliochaguliwa kushika nafasi mbalimbali – huu ni wizi wa wazi! Sisi kama CCK tunataka na tutapigania hatimaye kuondolewa kwa mfumo huu wa ruzuku kwa vyama vya siasa kwani vinazawadia uzembe na ubadhirifu.

Iweje chama ambacho kimeshindwa kusimamia serikali yake na ufisadi umeshamiri chini yake bado kinapewa kila mwezi mabilioni ya fedha ambayo hayajafungwa na utendaji kazi wa chama hicho?

Yaani, haijalishi CCM inatawalaje lakini bado inalipwa kila mwezi na Watanzania! Hivyo, kinyume na vyama ambavyo vinaweza kudaiwa kuwa vimeundwa kwa ajili ya ruzuku CCK imeundwa huku ikiwa inatambua kuwa mfumo wa ruzuku ni wa hatari kwenye siasa zetu na kwa kweli ndio umechangia sana kuchelewesha kung’olewa kwa CCM madarakani!

Hivyo, katika mjadala wa Katiba Mpya sisi kama chama tutapigania na kuhakikisha kuwa ruzuku kwa vyama vya siasa zinafutwa ili kila chama kitegemee wanachama wake na akili zake kujiendesha. Kwani TANU ilipewa ruzuku na serikali ya Mkoloni ili ifanye siasa? Si ilitegemea wanachama wake? Kwanini kama wakati huo iliwezekana leo ishindikane?

6. Ushirikiano na vyama vingine vya upinzani Tunapenda ieleweke mapema kabisa kuwa hatuna uadui na chama chochote cha upinzani na hatuna sababu ya kushindana na chama kingine cha upinzani ambacho malengo yake yanakaribiana nay a kwetu. Ugomvi wetu na mgogoro wetu ni Chama cha Mapinduzi na uongozi wake kwa taifa.

Hivyo, tunatangaza uadui wa kudumu na CCM na tutashirikiana na chama chochote kile ambacho kina lengo la kuona CCM inaondolewa madarakani. Hata hivyo, ushirikiano huo utategemea kukubaliana kwa sera mbalimbali siyo kukubaliana kwa kuondoa CCM tu madarakani.

Endapo hata hivyo, hatutaweza kufanya kazi na vyama vingine vya siasa kwa msingi wa kukubaliana kisera basi sisi wenyewe tutaendelea na juhudi zetu za kuona kuwa serikali ya CCM inadhoofishwa na hatimaye chama hicho kuondolewa madarakani kwa kutumia nguvu za kidemokrasia. Hivyo basi, tunanyosha mkono wa ushirikiano kwa vyama vingine vya upinzani nchini kuwa tuko tayari kushirikiana nao kwa namna ile ambayo vyama vyetu vitakubaliana.

7. CCK kama chama kipya Chama chetu kina vijana wengi na vile vile nyuma yake wapo wazee ambao hekima yao tunaitegemea. Kina upya wa aina yake lakini vile vile kimejengwa kutoka katika misingi ya taifa. Hivyo, ni chama ambacho ni kipya lakini kinataka kujenga kutoka misingi ile ambayo CCM imeivunja vunja.

Kwa kweli ni chama mbadala hasa wa CCM na kinataka kuwarudishia wananchi wa Tanzania fahari yao. Tunataka kurudisha ule moyo wa uzalendo, kuipenda Tanzania na kuona fahari kuwa sisi ni Watanzania.

Hiki ni chama ambacho wananchi wamekuwa wakikisubiria. Hakina majina makubwa, hakina uwezo mkubwa wa kifedha na hakina raslimali nyingi za kutamba nazo lakini tulichonacho ni ujumbe wa wazi wa mabadiliko ya kweli yenye kutaka kulifanya taifa letu la kisasa kwa kusimamia sheria, uhuru wa habari na maoni, utu na usawa. Hivyo tunawakaribisha Watanzania wote ambao wamekuwa wakisubiria chama kama cha kwetu kujiunga nasi.

8. Hitimisho Kwa vile leo ni siku ya kwanza kutambulisha chama sitopenda kuzungumza mengi zaidi kwani nina uhakika siku zijazo tutaweza kuzungumza mengi zaidi. Sasa hivi kama chama tunajukumu la kujiandaa kuunda uongozi wetu wa kudumu na kujipanga zaidi kama chama na kuhakikisha tunakijenga chama mikoani.

Vile vile sitozungumza mengi zaidi kwa sababu tuna chaguzi mbalimbali ambazo zinakuja na tunataka kuangalia ni jinsi gani tunaweza kushiriki au kuunga mkono mgombea wa chama ambacho tunaamini kinawakilisha matarajio ya jamii husika.

Tunawashukuru kwa kuja kutusikiliza na kutupa nafasi ya kuwapelekea ujumbe kwa Watanzania kuwa “Mabadiliko ni sasa, na mabadiliko ni sisi”! Hatutasubiri tena watu wengine watuletee mabadiliko kwani mabadiliko ni yale ambayo sisi wenyewe tunajiletea. Asanteni. Constantine B. Akitanda Mwenyekiti CCK -Taifa

Copied from jamiiforums.com

FURAHA YA KANISA

Furaha ya Kanisa

Furaha ni hali isiyoshikika inayomtokea mtu pale anapopata jambo nzuri, habari njema au anapokuwa na amani moyoni, naweza kusema furaha si amani bali amani huweza kuoneshwa kwa furaha. Furaha inaweza kuwa ya muda mfupi(temporary) au kipindi kirefu (permanent).

Isaya 35:10 … na furaha ya milele itakuwa juu ya vichwa vyao..

Ukweli ni kwamba kuna kundi kubwa la watu ambalo halina furaha katika jamii ya kikristo, kuna wapendwa bado hawana furaha kanisani.

Hivyo ni lazima kufanyike jitihada ya pamoja kati ya mwamini/mshirika na kiongozi ili kuleta furaha kanisani au katika jumuiya ya kikristo.

Kwa mfano mwaka 2011 radio DW ilitangaza kwamba kanisa la RC nchini ujerumani linapoteza umaarufu kwa 70%, hapa suala si dhehebu bali ni ukristo. Unafikiri kwa nini ? Sababu kubwa ya kupoteza umaarufu ni kwamba waumini hawana furaha tena kanisani na hivyo wanaamua kutafuta furaha mahali pengine. Kama waumini wanaona kanisa(si RC bali kanisa lolote la kikristo) limeingia udhalimu kazi yake kukusanya sadaka na mbegu tu, kama kanisa limeingiza ndoa za jinsia moja na unajisi kwa watoto, kanisa linaona injili ya utajirisho na miujiza ndio imani  sahihi, litakuwa limewafanya waumini kuliona kama mahali pa wahalifu na wanyang’anyi wanaamua kulikimbia maana haliwapi furaha wanayoitaka.

Mathayo 21:13 akawaambia imeandikwa , Nyumba ya yangu haitaitwa nyumba ya sala; bali nivyi mmeifanya kuwa pango la wanyang’anyi.

Bwana Yesu mwenyewe anaona uharibifu ndani ya kanisa na hapendi kuona hali hiyo, hapendi kuona uhalifu wa ndani ya kanisa kama ifanyikavyo leo. Mfano mwishoni mwa mwaka 2011 nikakutana na mwanamke ambaye Bwana ake alidhulumiwa mamimilioni ya pesa na mtumishi mmoja huko Arusha, kwa kweli ukimuona yule mwanamke amechoka kabisa na maisha na nilipoongea naye akaoneka ni mkristo mwenye kulifahamu neno barabara na ndipo nikavutiwa kuzungumza naye na kunieleza jinsi walivyofanyiwa unyang’nyi na mtumishi na hata kupelekea bwana ake kufukuzwa kazi benki. Ipo mifano mingi ya nyang’anyi ufanyikao kanisani hata kupoteza furaha kwa waumini. Hata hivyo nikutie moyo kwamba bado kuna kanisa la kweli na furaha ya kweli tena iliyo thabiti.

Je furaha ya mkristo ni katika kutajirika, kuoa, kuoa na kuolewa au mafanikio yoyote?

La hasha Matendo 8:5-8 inajibu …⁶na makutano kwa nia moja wakasikiliza maneno yale yaliyosemwa na Filipo walipoyasikia na kuziona ishara…..⁸ikawa furaha kubwa katika mji ule.

Ni dhahiri kuwa furaha ya mkristo inaanzia kusikiliza maneno na hatimae kuziona ishara za maneno hayo. Furahaa ya mkristo ni matokeo ya kulisikiza na kulisoma neno safi la kristo na utendaji wa neno hilo na si propaganda nyingine.

Tena Yohana 16:24 inasema …ombeni nanyi mtapata, furaha yenu iwe timilifu.

Kumbe kupata kwa Bwana kunaikamilisha furaha na si kwamba ndiyo furaha yenyewe.

Kwa mfano injili ya utajirisho haina nguvu Ulaya na Arabuni maana wana utajiri mkubwa lakini bado wapungukiwa furaha ya kweli bado wana hofu na mambo mbalimbali. Kama ni mafanikio ya Nyanja zote wameyapata katika elimu, uchumi, sayansi na hata siasa lakini furaha bado ni tatizo la msingi kwao. Wao wanahitaji Yesu halisi ahubiriwe maana wengine ni wasomi bado wana hofu juu ya hatima ya maisha yao. Ikiwa kuna jehanam au la na nini hatima yao baada ya kifo.   

Hebu tupitie mambo matano yanayoleta furaha kwa mkristo

1.      Kumkaribia Mungu

Ni jambo la pekee kwa mkristo maana wakristo wengi wapo mbali na Mungu na imekuwa chanzo cha kutoiona furaha ya ukristo

Zaburi 73:28.. Mfalme Daudi anasema nami kumkaribia Mungu ni kwema kwangu…

Jambo jema kabisa kwa mkristo ni kumkaribia Mungu kwa maneno, matendo na kila jambo.

2.      Kwenda madhabahuni.

Huku ni kupiga hatua kuzungumza na Mungu kwa sala na maombi, kusifu, kuabudu na hata shukrani.

Zaburi 43:3-4 …⁴ Hivyo nitakwenda madhabahuni kwa Mungu, kwa Mungu aliye furaha yangu na shangwe yangu….

Kumbe ni Mungu(Yesu Kristo) ndiye furaha ya mkristo na MUngu huyu napatikana madhabahuni, na hapa madhabahu ni sehemu yoyote ifaayo kumsifu, kumuabudu na kumuomba Mungualiye hai.

3.      Kumwona Yesu

Baada ya kumkaribia na kwenda madhabahuni jambo linalofuata ni kumwona Yesu.

Yohana 20:20 inasema …basi wanafunzi wakafurahi walipomwona bwana.

Hapa ni zaidi ya kuona kwa macho ya nyama bali kushiriki na katika matendo mbalimbali, huduma na maombi na zaidi kuomba na kujibiwa. Wakristo wengi wamepata furaha baada ya kuona matokeo ya maombi na imani katika maisha yao. Kujibiwa maombi si imani yenyewe tu bali kunachochea imani na furaha ya mkristo.

4.      Kumkaribisha Bwana.

Kumkaribisha bwana ni kule kumfanya awe sehemu ya maisha yako, awe wa kwanza kwa kila jambo, kila mahali na wakati wote kutembea na bwana Yesu.

Luka 19:5-6 habari ya zakayo ..6 akafanya haraka, akashuka, akamkaribisha kwa furaha.

Ni hakika kuna wakristo wengi hawajamkaribisha bwana Yesu katika maisha yao, nyumba, kazi na biashara zao na hivyo siku zote zimekuwa za taabu na mashaka. Fanya haraka kama Zakayo ambaye aliposikia Bwana Yesu anataka kuingia nyumbani kwake na kushinda humo akamkaribisha kwa furaha.

5.      Kujifunza kwa Bwana Yesu

Mkristo ni lazima akubali kujifunza kwa Bwana wakati wote na hatua kwa hatua ili aone furaha kamili ya ukristo.

Yeremia 15:16 inanena maneno yako yalionekana, nami nikayala: na maneno yako yalikuwa ni furaha kwangu maana nimeitwa kwa jina lako, Ee Bwana wa majeshi.

Mnenaji hapa si kwamba tu aliona maneno bali aliyala, akayatendea kazi na hata kujifunza kwa maneno hayo na ndipo akapata furaha na shangwe na hata kutambua kuwa ameitwa kwa jina lake(Bwana) sawa kabisa na wa wakristo wa leo ambao kwa sababu wamegoma kujifunza neno basi hata hawatambui kwamba wameitwa kwa jina la Bwana (Kristo).

Ninaweza kumaliza maneno machache kwamba kuna kanisa la Kweli, ukristo wa kweli na ambao umejaa furaha kwelikweli. Karibu katika furaha ya milele ya wokovu.

Filipi 4:4 inaisistiza furahini siku zote.

Katika safari

Kapagi

CASFETA UYOLE VETERANS (CUV)

Bwana asifiwe

Wapendwa, kwanza nawashukuru kwa namna mlivyoshiriki kwa ajili ya ufanikisha mahafali 8 ya CASFETA Uyole Sekondari.

Ninayo furaha kuwataarifu Ex CASFETA wa Uyole Sekondari maarufu kama CASFETA UYOLE VETERANS(CUV) kuwa tumekubaliana kukutana siku ya ijumaa ya tarehe 28 sept, 2012 kwa ratiba ifuatayo;

Saa 12:20-13:30- Tutashiriki ibada ya tawi la Uyole (Nyumbani kwetu)

Saa 13:30-13:45- Tutazungumza na uongozi wa tawi CASFETA Uyole Sek.

Saa 13:45-14:30- Tutakuwa na kikao chetu binafsi wanaCUV ili kujadili mustakabali wetu na ajenda mbalimbali zitakazoletwa na wanachama( akiwemo wewe unayesoma sasa taarifa hii)

Tafadhali mpendwa USIPUUZE HATA KIDOGO yapo mambo mazuri na zaidi umoja kwa kazi njema ya Huduma.

Efeso 4:5

Upatapo habari hii mtaarifu na mwingine.

N.B MwanaCUV ni mwanaCASFETA yeyote aliyemalza Uyole Sekondari mwaka wowote na kwa jinsia zote wanaoendelea na uanafunzi na hata wasio shuleni.

Ubarikiwe.

Kumfuata Yesu

KUMFUATA YESU KUNAH1TAJI MAAMUZI NA KUFAHAMU KUWA : 

(LUKA 14:27-33)

WANATAKIWA WATU WALIO TAYARI KUJITESA/KUTESWA NA KUFANYA KAZI NYINGI TENA NDOGO NDOGO NA KWA MDA MREFU USIOJULIKANA NA KWA MALIPO YASIYOJULIKANA NA KWA MSHAHARA USIOJULIKANA AMBAO UTALIPWA KWA MDA USIOJULIKANA.

NA ALIYE TAYARI LAZIMA AWE NA SIFA ZIFUATAZO:-

1. AWE TAYARI KUFANYA KAZI ZAKE MWENYEWE ILI ASIWALEMEE WENGINE ISIPOKUWA KAMA WATAMPA KWA KUPENDA (SIO KWA UJANJA UJANJA WA KUWATISHIA LAANA). 1THES. 4:11-12, 2 THESA. 3:10-12, 2 KOR.8:1-5,9:7-8,

2. AWE TAYARI KUPOTEZA HESHIMA YAKE UTU WAKE NA HATA MALI/KAZI YAKE KWA SIKU ZA MWANZO AU HATA MPAKA MWISHO WA MAISHA YAKE.(MATH.19:27-29 FIL.3:7,8)

3. AWE TAYARI KUKONDA KWA SIKU ZA MWANZO NA HATA MPAKA MWISHO WA MAISHA YAKE (JAPO SI WOTE WANAOKONDA) KWA KUJITESA NA KUJIWAJIBISHA MWENYEWE KWA KUFUNGA "MARA KWA MARA" (ILA KWA KUZINGATIA NA KUFUATA KANUNI ZA KUFUNGA/KUFUNGUA ILI ASIDHURIKE KWA SABABU ZA UJINGA). KUKESHA KWA MAOMBI, AU KWA KUSOMA BIBLIA NA KUTAFAKARI UWEZO WA MUNGU N,K. (1 KOR.9:27 2 KOR. 11:27.) (NINAPOSEMA MARA KWA MARA NAMAANISHA ZAIDI YA SIKU MBILI KILA WIKI AU SIKU NANE KILA MWEZI HATA KAMA Nl ZA MASAA 12 YAANI ASUBUHI HADI JIONI.)

4. AWE TAYARI KUOMBA ZAIDI YA SAA MOJA KILA SIKU AU MASAA SABA KILA WIKI BILA KUJALI KAZI ANAYOIFANYA AU WATU WANAOMZUNGUKA.(1 THES.5:17)

5. AWE TAYARI KUTENGWA KUTESWA NA JAMAA AU NDUGU ZAKE KUFUNGWA GEREZANl AU KUUAWA NA WATU WA TAIFA LAKE AU JINGINE KWA SABABU YA IMANI YAKE HIYO.(YOH.16:1-4, MDO.21:13, 2KOR. 11:23-26, UFUN.6:9-11) NA KWA KIPINDl CHOTE HICHO ASIMTAMKIE WALA KUMTAKIA MTU YEYETE MABAYA. (MDO.7:59-60, EBR. 4:15,RUMI. 12:14,20)

6. AWE TAYARI WATU WAMWAGE DAMU YAKE LAKINI ASIFANYE DHAMBI. YAANI AJILINDE NA DHAMBI YA AINA YOYOTE AWAPO KATIKA HALI YOYOTE IWE YA TAABU, MISIBA AU SHEREHE, IWE YA NJAA AU RAHA, KUDHARAULIWA AU KUPENDWA N,K. (EBR.12:4, 2 KOR,6:3-10, RUMI.8:35-39)

7. AWE Nl MTU ANAYEJITUMA SANA KWA MAMBO YAONEKANAYO KUWA MADOGO MADOGO, BILA KUJALISHA ELIMU YAKE AU CHEO CHAKE AU UMRI WAKE AU JINSIA YAKE. BALI AJIFANYE KUWA MDOGO KULIKO WOTE KWA KUFANYA MAMBO YOTE MEMA KUWAZIDI WENGINE. NINAPOSEMA MADOGO MADOGO Nl KAMA;KUWAHI KUWEPO KATIKA KILA (KAZI) KIPINDl KINACHOMHUSU, KUFANYA USAFI KANISANI AU VYOONI, KUWATEMBELEA WATU WENGINE N,K. (MATH.20:27, LUK.19:17)

8 ASIPENDE VYEO WALA KUONEKANA WA MAANA KULIKO WENGINE WALA KUTAKA KUITWA MAJINA YADHANIWAYO KUWA NDO YA WAKUBWA YAANI KUITWA MTUME AU MCHUNGAJI, AU NABII, AU MWINJILISTI AU MWALIMU, AU ASKOFU AU MKURUGENZI AU MENEJA N,K. (YAK.1:9_f MARK.9:33-37 MATH.20:25-27, MATH.23:9-12)